Texas milits fører mexicanere i slaget ved San Jacinto

Texas milits fører mexicanere i slaget ved San Jacinto


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Under Texan -krigen for uafhængighed iværksætter Texas -militsen under Sam Houston et overraskelsesangreb mod den mexicanske general Santa Anna's styrker langs San Jacinto -floden. Mexicanerne blev grundigt besejret, og hundredvis blev taget til fange, herunder general Santa Anna selv.

Efter at have opnået uafhængighed fra Spanien i 1820'erne bød Mexico udenlandske bosættere velkommen i tyndt befolkede Texas, og en stor gruppe amerikanere anført af Stephen F. Austin bosatte sig langs Brazos -floden. Amerikanerne var hurtigt i undertal af de bosiddende mexicanere, og i 1830'ernes forsøg på den mexicanske regering at regulere disse semi-autonome amerikanske samfund førte til oprør. I marts 1836, midt i en væbnet konflikt med den mexicanske regering, erklærede Texas sin uafhængighed fra Mexico.

Texas -frivillige led i første omgang nederlag mod styrkerne fra Santa Anna - Sam Houstons tropper blev tvunget til et tilbagetog mod øst, og Alamo faldt. I slutningen af ​​april overraskede Houstons hær imidlertid en mexicansk styrke ved San Jacinto, og Santa Anna blev taget til fange, hvilket bragte Mexicos bestræbelser på at undertrykke Texas. Til gengæld for sin frihed anerkendte Santa Anna Texas's uafhængighed; selvom traktaten senere blev ophævet og spændinger opbygget langs grænsen mellem Texas og Mexico.

Borgerne i den såkaldte Lone Star Republic valgte Sam Houston som præsident og godkendte indgangen til Texas til USA. Sandsynligheden for, at Texas sluttede sig til Unionen som slave -stat, forsinkede imidlertid enhver formel handling fra den amerikanske kongres i mere end et årti. Endelig, i 1845, orkesterede præsident John Tyler et kompromis, hvor Texas ville slutte sig til USA som en slave -stat. Den 29. december 1845 kom Texas ind i USA som den 28. stat og udvidede de uigenkaldelige forskelle i USA om slaveri og antændte den mexicansk-amerikanske krig.


San Jacinto Museum for Historie

& rdquo Ved middagstid kom general Rusk for at spise middag i mit telt. han spurgte mig, om mexicanerne ikke havde for vane at tage en siesta på det tidspunkt. Jeg svarede bekræftende og tilføjede desuden, at de i sådanne tilfælde holdt deres vigtigste og avancerede vagter under våben med en række vagtposter. General Rusk observerede det. det øjeblik syntes ham gunstigt at angribe fjenden. Han tilføjede: & lsquo Har du lyst til at kæmpe? & Rsquo Jeg svarede, at jeg altid var klar og villig til at kæmpe, hvorpå generalen steg, og sagde: & lsquo Nå, lad os gå! & rsquo & rdquo

& mdash Juan Segu & iacuten, fra hans redigerede erindringer, i En revolution husket


San Jacinto Museum of History forbliver lukket efter Deer Park Fire

I sidste weekend skulle tusinder af mennesker samles på San Jacinto Museum of History i La Porte, Texas for at genopfinde slaget ved San Jacinto fra 1836. For kun anden gang på næsten 35 år blev genopførelsen og festivalen omkring den afblæst.

Den årlige genopførelse er den største af sin art i staten, med mere end 250 mennesker, der skildrer den mexicanske hær og Republikken Texas Milits.

San Jacinto Battle Museum and Monument har været lukket i næsten en måned. Larry Spasic er præsident for museet og siger, at lukning og annullering af genopførelsen er et resultat af den kemiske brand på ITC -fabrikken i Deer Park i marts.

& ldquoVi respekterer de juridiske myndigheders og retshåndhævelses beslutninger på dette område og arbejder sammen med dem for at sikre, at alle nyder et sikkert miljø & hellip Vi er ved at lukke for denne ulykke, siger rdquo Spasic.

Men parkmyndighederne tror ikke, at branden resulterede i skader på det historiske sted.

& ldquoDet ligner & hellip, når hændelsen er overstået med vi er ret sikre på grund af de målinger, der allerede er taget, at stedet er i god form, & rdquo Spasic, om det historiske sted, der er hjemsted for mere end 1.200 hektar natur græsarealer, restaurerede marskområder, flora og fauna. & ldquoPeople vil være i stand til at gøre alt, hvad de var i stand til at gøre før denne hændelse. & rdquo

Spasic siger, at offentlighedens svar på annullering af genopførelsen har været forståelse og en vis skuffelse.

& ldquoDer var folk, der var skuffede. Men jeg blev overrasket over støtteniveauet. Jeg tror, ​​at alle vidste, at vi ikke tog denne beslutning let. Sammen med vores sponsorer har vi gennemført dette arrangement i over 35 år, og det er højdepunktet i vores uddannelsesprogram, og det tager 5-6 måneder at planlægge, & rdquo Spasic siger.

At være lukket i en måned vil være dyrt for den private, almennyttige uddannelsesforening.

& ldquoVi modtager ikke statslige eller føderale midler til vores budget. Vores mission er så vigtig, og det, vi repræsenterer, er så vigtigt, at jeg virkelig føler, at Houstonians og Texans vil hjælpe os igennem dette, & rdquo Spasic siger.

San Jacinto Battle Museum og Monument vil være lukket indtil mindst 21. april. Spasic håber, at det snart genåbner derefter.


San Antonio mindes det historiske slag ved San Jacinto

af Rocío Guenther 22. april 2017 19. marts 2018

Del dette:

Døtrene i republikken Texas præsident Susan Riedesel (til højre) og hendes barnebarn Karley, 9, bøjer hovedet i bøn under San Jacinto Victory Celebration på Alamo Plaza. Kredit: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

En lille skare mødtes ved Alamo Cenotaph lørdag midt i kølige vinde for at fejre alle de modige helte, der kæmpede for Texas uafhængighed under slaget ved San Jacinto.

Få vores gratis nyhedsbrev The Daily Reach leveret til din indbakke hver morgen.

Den gratis begivenhed var en af ​​hundredvis, der finder sted i hele byen under Fiesta, en 11-dages kulturel fest i San Antonio.

Kommanderende general for den amerikanske hærs sydmajor General K. K. Chinn taler til mængden under San Jacinto -sejrsfejringen på Alamo Plaza. Kredit: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

Medlemmer fra Daughters of the Republic of Texas Alamo Heroes Chapter og Children of the Republic of Texas var tilstede og sluttede sig til mængden for at mindes en begivenhed, der for altid ændrede Texas og verdens historie.

Den 21. april 1836 under krigen for uafhængighed fra Mexico engagerede og besejrede Texas milits under ledelse af Sam Houston general Antonio López de Santa Annas mexicanske hær i et overraskelsesangreb nær det nuværende Houston, Texas. Hundredvis af mexicanere blev taget som fanger, herunder Santa Anna. Den mexicanske general underskrev en traktat, der anerkendte Texas 'uafhængighed i bytte for hans frihed. Selv 181 år efter slaget ved San Jacinto fortsætter Texans med at fejre den historiske begivenhed.

Publikum rejser Texas -flag under San Jacinto Victory Celebration på Alamo Plaza. Kredit: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

Faktisk, selvom San Antonians fortsætter med at frodigt omfavne Fiesta og deltage i mange af festlighederne, glemmer mange, at festivalen i hele byen blev grundlagt som en hilsen til den Texanske sejr i slaget ved San Jacinto.

"Hvor passende er det, at vi på denne hellige grund ærer de helte, der gjorde os frie, såvel som at ære nutidens militær, der holder os fri," sagde Jeanie Travis, medlem af Daughters of the Republic of Texas.

For mere information om Fiesta og en fuld tidsplan for begivenheder, klik her.

Military-Civilian Club klapper på scenen under San Jacinto Victory Celebration på Alamo Plaza. Kredit: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report


Militærhistorie

Militære anliggender har dramatisk præget Texas 'historie. Blandt regionens indianere var stamøkonomier og kulturer stærkt afhængige af krigsførelse. På samme måde var hæren en væsentlig faktor i Spaniens udforskning og kolonisering. Kun med magt sikrede Republikken Texas sin uafhængighed fra Mexico og så dens annektering af USA garanteret, at militæret også kunne tillade Unionen at besejre konføderationens forsøg på at etablere en separat nation. Ved at sponsorere efterforskning og bygge grænseborge opmuntrede hæren til vestlig migration af ikke-indianere og sikrede bortvisning af stort set alle stammerne. Forsvars- og forsvarsrelaterede industrier indtog en stadig større rolle i Texas-økonomien under første verdenskrig. I sidste halvdel af det tyvende århundrede var nationens større permanente militære etablering blevet grundlæggende for statens økonomi.

Inden europæerne ankom, bosatte indianere, der boede i Texas, ofte deres uoverensstemmelser gennem krigsførelse. Caddoes etablerede defensive konføderationer de spredte stammer i det sydlige Texas og Rio Grande-deltaet praktiserede sæsonbetonede feudinger og småskalige raid mod hinanden. Frygt for fjender inde i landet indeholdt ofte Karankawas og var ihærdigt beskyttende for områder, de hævdede for deres egne stammer, nær Gulfkysten. Blandt disse og de andre grupper, der kom til at dominere Texas-sletterne, understregede førkolumbiansk krigsførelse generelt personlig tapperhed. Indførelsen af ​​heste og skydevåben sammen med det større pres som følge af de europæiske indtrængen gav ofte en mere voldsom tone til krigsførelseskulturen. Ankomsten til et stort antal Apaches og Comanches, grupper, hvis kulturer var baseret på krigsførelse, tilføjede yderligere pres. Razziaer og chikanering i guerilla-stil karakteriserede normalt disse sammenstød, hvor sidstnævnte dukkede op i slutningen af ​​1720'erne efter en lang kamp med apacherne som den dominerende militære styrke på de sydlige sletter.

Hæren spillede en grundlæggende rolle i Spaniens besættelse af det, der senere blev Lone Star State. Bevæbnede søjler eskorterede de fleste opdagelsesrejsende fra det sekstende århundrede, og militære afdelinger bevogtede de tidlige missionsvirksomheder langs Rio Grande. Den franske koloni ved Fort St. Louis udfordrede Spanien til at intensivere sine aktiviteter i Texas. De første missioner i det østlige Texas, med kun en lille garnison, mislykkedes i løbet af 1690'erne, men efterfølgende indsats i løbet af det næste århundrede omfattede større bevæbnede kontingenter. Alligevel forårsagede manglen på at få stærk indisk støtte Spaniens midlertidige evakuering af Øst -Texas i lyset af en bevæbnet fransk styrke på færre end ti mand under hønsekrigen (1719). Fast besluttet på at genoprette Spaniens ære, genoprettede Marqu & eacutes de San Miguel de Aguayo missionerne i det østlige Texas og efterlod også to præsidier. For at undgå potentielle franske trusler mod kysten oprettede han også et præsidio og mission på La Bah & iacutea og forstærkede det spirende kompleks ved Bexar. Men omkostningerne ved en sådan indsats syntes at opveje fordelene, især da den franske trussel aftog. Presset fra nord af Comanches udfordrede Apacherne spansk ekspansion til det centrale Texas og endda Bexar selv. Efterhånden som stammerne sikrede flere våben (ofte fra franske handlende) og blev mere vant til europæiske militære metoder, blev det stadig vanskeligere at levere den straffende gengældelse, som Spaniens politik var afhængig af. I 1758 & ndash59 ødelagde for eksempel krigere fra flere stammer San Saba de la Santa Cruz -missionen, og en efterfølgende straffekolonne ledet af oberst Diego Ortiz Parrilla haltede tilbage til San Antonio efter et mislykket angreb på en lagret Taovaya -landsby.

Nederlag i syvårskrigen (1756 & ndash63) førte til en revision af spansk forsvar. Efter rapporterne fra Marqu & eacutes de Rub & iacute og Jos & eacute Bernardo de G & aacutelvez Gallardo flyttede den kongelige forordning fra 1772 præsidier langs grænserne. De østlige Texas-forposter blev forladt, og de nordlige provinser blev til sidst adskilt fra vicekongedømmet i New Spain under en generalkommandant, der fik civile, retslige og militære beføjelser. Alligevel var de spredte garnisoner for dårligt uddannede, udstyrede eller leverede til at være virkelig effektive mod de mere mobile sletteindianere. Spanske forsøg på at lægge enten Apaches eller Comanches mod hinanden lykkedes ikke at kopiere den succes, der blev skabt af indiske alliancer i nabolandet New Mexico. Selvom hæren aldrig var i stand til at opnå militær overlegenhed i Texas, forblev hæren en bastion af spansk bosættelse. I folketællingen fra 1792 udgjorde 720 soldater og deres familier i Bexar og La Bah & iacutea næsten 20 procent af hele befolkningen i spanske Texas. Og militærstyrke forsinkede uønskede amerikanske indtrængen. Philip Nolan og omkring to scorede amerikanere blev besejret i 1801. Selv om flere hundrede revolutionærer og eventyrere i 1813 under løs ledelse af Jos & eacute Bernardo Maximiliano Guti & eacuterrez de Lara, Augustus W. Magee og Samuel Kemper i 1813 kørte spanske myndigheder fra San Antonio, var de til gengæld knust i slaget ved Medina af Joaqu & iacuten de Arredondos royalister. Arredondo fejede organiseret modstand mod spansk styre fra Texas, men imperiets fortsatte tilbagegang var syg i fremtiden. I Adams-On & iacutes-traktaten fra 1819 anerkendte USA de spanske krav til Texas, kun for at få James Long og omkring 300 amerikanske filibustere og mexicanske revolutionære til at fange Nacogdoches i protest. Spanske tropper knuste Longs bevægelse, men den amerikanske trussel var ikke forsvundet. Frygtede for, at amerikanske infiltratorer i sidste ende ville beslaglægge Texas, godkendte kronofunktionærer anmodningen fra Moses Austin om at indbringe flere hundrede nye kolonister i et desperat håb om, at en større befolkningsbase kunne hjælpe med at imødekomme forsvarsbehov.

I sidste ende dømte intern uro snarere end ekstern invasion det spanske Texas. Kongelige soldater nord for Rio Grande beholdt et usikkert fodfæste, selvom de ikke var i stand til at besejre indianerne eller forhindre væbnede indtrængen fra øst. Men den spanske myndighed i Texas kollapsede ved etableringen af ​​et uafhængigt Mexico. Under ledelse af Stephen F. Austin begyndte den amerikanske koloni i Texas de militære aktiviteter, der til sidst førte til Texas uafhængighed. Karankawerne blev tilintetgjort og den kortvarige frediske republik i 1826 & ndash27 undertrykt. Mexicanske embedsmænd, der frygtede den voksende anglo -indflydelse, forsøgte at standse yderligere amerikansk immigration og forstærke de mexicanske garnisoner i Texas med loven af ​​6. april 1830. Alligevel modstod befolkningen hæren i mindre sammenstød i Anahuac og Nacogdoches. Antonio L & oacutepez de Santa Annas tur til centralisme og afhængighed af hæren for at håndhæve politik modsat Texans og førte direkte til Texas -bevægelsen for uafhængighed. I efteråret 1835, efter trefninger med mexicanske stamgæster i Gonzales og Goliad, belejrede flere hundrede texanere San Antonio. I slutningen af ​​november overtog Edward Burleson kommandoen over "Folkets hær" (se REVOLUTIONÆR HÆR) efter Austin forlod for at anmode om bistand fra USA. Forlovelser ved Concepcion og ved Græsbekæmpelsen fremhævede belejringen indtil 5. december, hvor Benjamin R. Milam og Frank (Francis W.) Johnson ledede flere hundrede frivillige i et vellykket angreb mod de mexicanske tropper. Overmodige texanere drømte om yderligere erobringer. Selvom Sam Houston, konsultationens valg om at kommandere Texas -styrker, modsatte sig trækket, samlede flere grupper sig i det sydlige Texas til en foreslået march mod Matamoros. I mellemtiden vendte Santa Anna, efter at have ført et oprør i Yucat & aacuten, sin opmærksomhed mod Texas. Alligevel svigtede Texanerne, idet de antog, at mexicanske tropper ville vente til foråret, før de flyttede nordpå. Den 23. februar ankom Santa Anna til San Antonio, hvor omkring 150 oprørere gemte sig i den gamle Alamo -mission. Tvister plagede stadig militæret i Texas, kun James Bowies svigtende sundhed tillod William B. Travis at overtage effektiv kommando over tropper der. Travis anmodninger om forstærkninger bragte kun en toogtredive mands delegation fra Gonzales. Den 6. marts angreb Santa Anna, selvom hans hær led store tab, forsvarerne blev dræbt. Ved at beskytte Santa Annas kystflanke dirigerede general Jos & eacute de Urrea spredte Texas styrker under Johnson i San Patricio, Dr. James Grant ved Agua Dulce, Amon B. King ved Refugio og William Ward nær Victoria. James W. Fannin, der holdt Goliad med omkring 300 mand, virkede lammet under hele kampagnen. Først insisterede han på at forsvare stedet, derefter overbevist om, at han måtte gå til hjælp fra Alamo, og endelig forsøgte at trække sig tilbage, tillod Fannin sin kommando at blive fanget den 19. marts i Coleto Prairie. Lavt på vand og i undertal af Urrea's 800 tropper, overgav Fannin den følgende dag. Den 27. blev de fleste af dem, der blev fanget i kampagnerne i det sydlige Texas, henrettet i Goliad -massakren.

Overmod, skødesløshed og ubeslutsomhed havde hidtil præget texanernes militære operationer. Nu stod kun Sam Houston og færre end 400 mand i Gonzales mellem mexicanske tropper og Sabine -floden. Uden andre levedygtige muligheder trak Houston sig tilbage over Colorado- og Brazos -floderne. Santa Anna skubbede fremad i håb om at fuldføre ruten og fik de fleste af kolonisterne til at deltage i et panisk tilbagetog. Nogle, herunder midlertidig præsident David G. Burnet, beskyldte Houston for ikke at have nogen plan, anklager, der blev fremmet af generalens beslutsomhed om at beholde sin egen advokat. Da Houston trak sig tilbage, udviklede hans hær, der blev affyret af hævnlyst og havde nydt godt af træningsøvelser udført under tilbagetrækningen, sig til en mere sammenhængende militærstyrke. Forstærkninger fra USA såvel som fra de ældre Texas -bosættelser styrkede hans hær yderligere. Og Santa Anna blev gradvist svagere. Selvom flere tusinde mexicanske tropper nu var i Texas, havde præsidentens iver efter at fange enten Houston eller Texas ledere ført ham til bredden af ​​San Jacinto -floden med kun en lille del af hans samlede styrke. Houston vendte sig om og angreb om eftermiddagen den 21. april. Overraskede de udmattede mexicanere, faldt texanerne over fjendens lejr. På bekostning af 9 dræbte og 30 sårede listede Houston 630 mexicanere dræbt og 730 taget til fange. Blandt sidstnævnte var den mexicanske høvding, Santa Anna. Texas uafhængighed var således sikret.

Selvom San Jacinto havde været en afgørende sejr på slagmarken, stod den nyligt erklærede republik stadig over for militære problemer. Omkring 2.000 mexicanske tropper forblev nord for Nueces -floden, og sammensætningen af ​​Texas -hæren ændrede sig. Texas -beboere havde domineret styrken i San Jacinto. Men i sommeren 1836 var hæren hævet til over 2.500, hvoraf tre fjerdedele var kommet til Texas efter slaget ved San Jacinto. For at gøre sagen værre havde et smertefuldt ankelsår tvunget Sam Houston, den eneste texaner, der havde været i stand til at kontrollere et stort antal tropper indtil dette tidspunkt, at søge lægehjælp i New Orleans. Velasco -traktaterne formåede ikke at løse den militære krise. I Mexico annullerede regeringen dem og truede med at fortsætte krigen. Selvom mexicanske tropper trak sig tilbage, nægtede Texas hær at tillade Santa Annas løsladelse. Anført af Felix Huston opfordrede mange inden for hæren til en offensiv kampagne mod Matamoros. I en fremtrædende udfordring til den rystende ad midlertidige regering nægtede tropperne at acceptere Mirabeau B. Lamar som sin chef. I maj 1837 frygter præsident Houston det meste af hæren, der var bange for militær opstand og ivrig efter at reducere de offentlige udgifter. Forsvaret hvilede nu på en lille afdeling af monterede rangers, en uorganiseret milits bestående i teorien om alle handikappede mænd i alderen mellem sytten og halvtreds, og frivillige ringede op for at møde nødsituationer. Voldelige møder med indianere og rygter om mexicanske invasioner fortsatte, men præsidentens beslutsomhed om at forsinke militær aktion i håb om at sikre annektering i USA var i overensstemmelse med hans reducerede forsvarsbudget.

Houstons efterfølger, Lamar, gik ind for en aggressiv indisk politik. For at beskytte grænserne og for at tilvejebringe baser for offensiv indsats sørgede kongressen i 1838 for en række militære stillinger langs republikkens nordlige og vestlige grænser, der skulle bemandes af et regiment på 840 mand og understøttes af en militærvej, der strækker sig fra Red River til Nueces. Mod øst blev cherokeerne, mistænkt for at have allieret sig med Mexico, drevet ind i det, der nu er Oklahoma efter slaget ved Neches. Kampagner mod komankerne viste sig at være mindre afgørende, men forårsagede tilbagetrækning af de fleste af stammen længere mod vest og nord. Lamar håbede også at tvinge indrømmelser fra Mexico. Efter korte forsøg på at købe en form for forlig om anerkendelse eller grænsen tilskyndede præsidenten indenrigsoprør mod den mexicanske regering og gik så langt som at leje Texas Navy til oprørere i Yucutan. For at satse på republikkens vestlige krav i sommeren 1841 sendte han også en militærstyrke, ledet af oberst Hugh McLeod, for at beslaglægge Santa Fe. Efterladt af ulykke og dårligt lederskab, overgav de udmattede texanere sig, da de nåede byen (se TEXAN SANTA FE EXPEDITION).

Efter at være blevet genvalgt til præsident i 1841 befandt Houston sig nedsænket i problemerne som følge af Lamars politik. Operationer mod indianerne alene havde kostet 2,5 millioner dollars i løbet af en treårig periode, hvor statens indtægter udgjorde godt 1 million dollars. Houston skar hæren til et par kompagnier af rangers, forsøgte at sælge flåden og underskrev traktater med flere indianerstammer. Men Mexico, med Santa Anna igen ved roret, hævnede sig mod de seneste trusler. General Rafael V & aacutesquez og omkring 500 tropper besatte kortvarigt San Antonio i marts 1842. Kongressen erklærede krig, men Houston var stadig forsigtig, nedlagde veto mod denne foranstaltning. Vred over de fortsatte tvister langs den nordlige grænse og over forsøget på Texas blokade af dets havne, begyndte Mexico en anden offensiv. Ledende 1.400 mænd beslaglagde i midten af ​​september general Adri og aacuten Woll San Antonio. Han trak sig under pres fra Texas militsfolk, og Houston sendte Alexander Somervell med 750 mand for at vise Lone Star -flaget langs Rio Grande. Somervell trak sig tilbage i december, men omkring 300 mand under ledelse af William S. Fisher trodsede ordrer og krydsede Rio Grande. Ved Mier overgav angriberne sig imidlertid til en meget større mexicansk styrke.

Texas militære situation ændrede sig dramatisk ved annektering. Selvom USA kun opretholdt en lille regulær hær og flåde, gav dens voksende befolkning og industrielle base det et formidabelt militært potentiale. Sådanne ressourcer blev udnyttet i den mexicanske krig, som var blevet udløst af den nylige annektering af Texas. Omkring 6.000 texanere så militærtjeneste under konflikten den mest synlige af Lone Star -enhederne kæmpet med Zachary Taylor og Winfield Scott i henholdsvis det nordlige og centrale Mexico. Disse tropper, der kaldte sig Texas Rangers, viste sig at være fremragende spejdere og hårde krigere, men deres voldelige metoder og hævn mod civilbefolkningen i Mexico efterlod en bitter arv. Efter Guadalupe Hidalgo -traktaten fortsatte staten med en vis bistand fra den føderale regering med at anvende varierende antal forskellige virksomheder til at patruljere sine vestlige grænser. Men amerikanske stamgæster påtog sig hovedparten af ​​de defensive opgaver samt at fremme efterforskningen af ​​Trans-Pecos og Panhandle-regionerne. Flere militærposter foretede Rio Grande fra Brownsville til Eagle Pass som reaktion på potentielle mexicanske og indiske angreb. Andre sammensatte en enorm halvcirkel, der strakte sig fra Fort Worth til Fredericksburg til Corpus Christi, forterne blev skubbet længere mod vest, da ikke-indisk bosættelse udvidede. For at tilbyde beskyttelse og støtte for de tusinder af Californien-bundne migranter og rejsende indtog hæren også flere positioner langs vejene fra San Antonio til El Paso.

Kort forsøg på at etablere forbehold i Texas efter at have mislykkedes, lancerede hæren en række offensiver mod fjendtlige indianere. I den mest betydningsfulde af disse kampagner har Bvt. Maj. Jarl Van Dorn førte Texas-baserede løsrivelser, stivnet af allierede indiske spejdere og hjælpefolk, til sejr mod Comanche-lejre over Red River ved Rush Spring (1. oktober 1858) og Crooked Creek (13. maj 1859). Men Texans ønskede endnu mere handling, og en rangerstyrke ledet af John S. "Rip" Ford besejrede en betydelig Comanche -lejr den 12. maj 1859 nær Antelope Hills på det indiske område. I februar 1861 opregnede løsrivelseskonventionen i Texas forbundsregeringens manglende evne til at beskytte sine borgere mod indisk angreb som en af ​​årsagerne til, at staten forlod Unionen. Dette må have virket ironisk for embedsmænd fra krigsministeriet, for så meget som en fjerdedel af hele hæren havde været stationeret i Texas i løbet af 1850'erne. I et kontroversielt træk overgav David E. Twiggs, der havde kommandoen i Department of Texas, al føderal ejendom og forter i Texas i bytte for en sikker passage af hans tropper. Inden alle soldaterne kunne gå i gang, fik krigsudbruddet imidlertid statens embedsmænd til at skrotte aftalen. Garnisoner fra flere Trans-Pecos forter, ledet af Bvt. Oberstløjtnant Isaac V. D. Reeve, overgav sig til Earl Van Dorn, der havde tilsluttet sig konføderationen, lige vest for San Antonio.

Forholdet til den nye konfødererede regering viste sig at være et problem for statens embedsmænd. Selvom doktrinen om staters rettigheder foreslog, at Texas skulle beholde kontrollen over sine mænd og krigsmateriale, krævede de konfødererede ledere, at ressourcer blev samlet under en mere centraliseret autoritet. Og mens en indledende bølge af frivillige flokkedes til farverne, vedtog Konføderationen i begyndelsen af ​​1862 en værnepligtslov, der til sidst blev udvidet til at omfatte de fleste ikke-sorte mænd i alderen mellem sytten og halvtreds. Af de 100.000 til 110.000 berettigede tjente mellem 60.000 og 90.000 sandsynligvis i militæret. De fleste texanere viste et stærkt ønske om monteringspligt og en voldsom uafhængighed, der begrænsede bestræbelserne på at håndhæve disciplin. Tidligt i borgerkrigen trængte statsregimenter ind i indisk territorium og patruljerede vestlige og Rio Grande grænser. I slutningen af ​​1861 og begyndelsen af ​​1862 blev Brig. General Henry H. Sibley og tre regimenter af Texans marcherede mod vest i New Mexico, men faldt tilbage til Texas efter slaget ved Glorieta. I oktober 1862 besatte Unionens flådestyrker Galveston Island. John B. Magruder, chef for de konfødererede styrker i Texas, overtog Galveston nytårsdag 1863. En anden føderal invasionstyrke, herunder 26 skibe og 4.000 tropper under kommando af generalmajor William B. Franklin, blev kontrolleret ved Sabine Pass i September 1863 af Lt. Richard W. Dowling og et enkelt artilleribatteri. I slutningen af ​​1863 erobrede føderalerne Brownsville og afbrød dermed den lukrative handel mellem Texas og Matamoros. Nordlige tropper avancerede op ad Rio Grande til Rio Grande City, og en anden kolonne skubbede nordpå langs kysten forbi Corpus Christi. Men offensiven i det sydlige Texas blev derefter standset, tropper blev flyttet fra det sydlige Texas for at slutte sig til general Nathaniel P. Banks i Louisiana. Inden Banks kunne nå Texas, besejrede Richard Taylor imidlertid sin hær i Red River -kampagnen. Selvom den sidste store trussel mod Unionen mod Texas var blevet afstumpet, var krigen ikke slut i Lone Star State. I juli 1864 generobrede Rip Fords Texans Brownsville, og i borgerkrigens sidste møde dirigerede en anden føderal styrke ved Palmito. Men konfødererede texanere havde mindre succes med at beskytte grænsebosættere mod indisk angreb. Med tilbagetrækning af føderale tropper fra vestlige stillinger slog flere stammer, der var ivrige efter at gengælde mod de hvide ubudne gæster, tilbage. Statens manglende evne til at forsvare sine grænser blev eksemplificeret i slaget ved Dove Creek (januar 1865), hvor 140 Kickapoos migrerede til Mexico fra det indiske territorium besejrede 370 statstropper. Selve krigen blev løst øst for Mississippi -floden. I hæren i det nordlige Virginia udgjorde tusinder af Texans hovedparten af ​​Hoods Texas Brigade, opkaldt efter sin første kommandør, Texan John Bell Hood. Andre Texas -enheder, såsom det ottende Texas Cavalry (Terrys Texas Rangers) og Ross's Brigade, kæmpede også i Arkansas, Mississippi, Georgia, Tennessee og Carolinas. Albert Sidney Johnston, tidligere krigsekretær for Republikken Texas, var chef for Mississippis konfødererede hær, indtil han blev dræbt i slaget ved Shiloh. I 1864 overførte præsident Jefferson Davis Hood fra Virginia til Georgia, hvor han befalede de konfødererede hære i de afsluttende faser af Atlanta -kampagnen og i de katastrofale nederlag ved Franklin og Nashville. I juli 1863 gjorde Ulysses S. Grants fangst af Vicksburg direkte kommunikation mellem Texas og Richmond i bedste fald usikker. For at løse det administrative dødvande indstiftede konføderationen Trans-Mississippi Department, som omfattede Texas, Arkansas, Missouri og store dele af Louisiana, under kommando af Edmund Kirby Smith. Afdelingen var praktisk talt isoleret fra resten af ​​konføderationen i resten af ​​krigen. Efter Robert E. Lees overgivelse i Appomattox forsøgte Smith at fortsætte krigen, men kapitulerede med støtte aftagende den 2. juni.

Føderale tropper, hvoraf nogle var sorte, hældte ud i Lone Star -staten. For at hjælpe med at tvinge kejser Maximilian og franskmændene ud af Mexico blev omkring 50.000 amerikanske soldater samlet i nærheden af ​​Rio Grande i 1865 & ndash66. Da Maximilian, den franske hvilende og kongens død, havde erklæret militært styre over de fleste af de tidligere konfødererede stater i genopbygningslovene i 1867, vendte hæren sig til indenlandske spørgsmål. Texas og Louisiana blev kombineret til at danne det femte militærdistrikt, under kommando af general Philip H. Sheridan. Fast besluttet på at etablere føderal myndighed, afviste Sheridan nyvalgt guvernør James W. Throckmorton og flere andre embedsmænd. Distriktets militærchefer generaler Charles Griffin og Joseph J. Reynolds brugte deres tropper til at intervenere i stats- og lokalvalg til støtte for det spirende republikanske parti. Hæren støttede også Freedmen's Bureau, som hjalp tidligere slaver med at sikre arbejdskontrakter, oprettede separate domstole og oprettede et rudimentært uddannelsessystem. Guvernør Edmund J. Davis erklæring om krigsret i flere amter og brug af en statspolitistyrke (der var 40 procent sorte) gjorde yderligere hvide raser, ligesom korruptionen, der plagede bestræbelserne på at reorganisere en statsmilits. I byer som Brenham stødte soldater åbenlyst på med civile. Men en urolig fred præget det meste af staten. Konservative forsøgte at overbevise hær og føderale embedsmænd om, at tropperne var nødvendige for at beskytte mod indiske angreb frem for åbent at udfordre mændene i blåt. I sommeren 1867 var flere kompagnier vendt tilbage til de indiske grænser. Forts Richardson, Griffin, Concho, Stockton, Davis og Clark holdt snart betydelige garnisoner med stamgæster, som snart viste sig at være uvurderlige for rejsende og lokale ikke-indiske økonomier.

Med valget af guvernør Davis erklærede præsident Ulysses S. Grant, at genopbygningen i Texas var ved at være slut. The army's emphasis thus shifted to Indian service. In late 1868, columns from New Mexico, Indian Territory, and Kansas moved against several Southern Plains tribes. The resulting campaign brought a temporary peace, but as railroads and White settlers pushed west and the slaughter of the buffalo herds began in earnest, violence continued. Texans claimed that many tribes conducted raids into the state, then retreated to the safety of their reservations. To help patrol the frontiers, in 1874 the state legislature mustered two ranger forces: the Frontier Battalion, designed to control Indians and the Special Force, organized to guard the Mexican border. During the early 1870s, the army stepped up its campaigns on the Llano Estacado. Col. Ranald S. Mackenzie, the most effective regular commander, routed a large Comanche village near McClellan Creek in September 1872. The Red River War, which involved troops from Texas, New Mexico, Kansas, and Indian Territory, began in summer 1874. From Fort Concho, Mackenzie delivered the most telling blow at Palo Duro Canyon on September 28, 1874. Human casualties were minimal, but Mackenzie's decision to kill nearly 1,500 captured Indian ponies helped force several tribes to surrender the following year. Farther west, several Apache groups had also resisted encroachment. After witnessing several futile pursuits of Victorio and the Apaches, Col. Benjamin H. Grierson seized upon an effective tactic in summer 1880. Rather than attempt to overtake the Indians, Grierson stationed his men at strategic waterholes throughout the Trans-Pecos. After several sharp skirmishes, Victorio withdrew across the Rio Grande, where he was killed by Mexican soldiers. Throughout the period, regulars clashed with their rivals, the Texas Rangers, over methods and effectiveness. In their efforts to punish Indian and Mexican raiders, several state and federal officers crossed over the Rio Grande. In 1873, Mackenzie destroyed several Indian villages near Remolino, about forty miles inside of Mexico. Texas Rangers splashed across the river two years later near Las Cuevas, seeking to stamp out cattle rustlers. Lt. Col. William R. Shafter led several army sorties in 1877, even as Mexican protests increased. The following year, Mackenzie and a large United States column twice engaged in long-range skirmishing with Mexican troops. The actions of Texas, United States, and Mexican military forces, the slaughter of the buffalo, the expansion of the railroads, and the westward migration of non-Indian settlers combined to destroy the military power of the Plains Indians in Texas. But the armed forces' influence was far greater than simply that of its military campaigns. Frontier posts stimulated civilian settlement, and army contracts proved a tremendous boon to local businesses and job-seekers. The state militia, organized as the Volunteer Guards upon passage of the Militia Law of 1879, provided supplemental income to another 2,000 to 3,000 guardsmen as well as a lucrative, if sometimes sporadic, source of appropriations.

About 10,000 Texans served in the Spanish-American War. In April 1898, Congress allowed soldiers in existing organized militia units to volunteer for federal service. Under this law, state troops formed the First Texas Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which sailed to Havana in late 1898. Other Texans joined assorted regular and volunteer formations such as the Rough Riders (the First United States Volunteer Cavalry), organized and trained at San Antonio and made famous by their flamboyant lieutenant colonel, Theodore Roosevelt. Texas and the military remained closely linked during the early twentieth century. Although incidents at Brownsville, Houston, Del Rio, El Paso, Waco, San Antonio, and Texarkana between Black garrisons and White and Hispanic residents were symptomatic of the racial tensions that divided American society, this relationship was generally amicable. Early Signal Corps experiments in aviation were conducted at Fort Sam Houston, San Antonio. Turmoil within Mexico in 1911 led the War Department to concentrate a "Manuever Division" at San Antonio. Eighteen months later, the Second Division was mobilized at Galveston and Texas City. By 1914 other regular army forces, totaling some 12,000 men, were also stationed along the border. After Pancho (Francisco) Villa's strike into New Mexico in March 1916, President Woodrow Wilson called the national guards of Texas and Oklahoma into federal service. The president soon expanded the call-up, and by late July, 112,000 national guardsmen from fourteen states had massed along the Rio Grande. As the Mexican crisis cooled, the guardsmen were in the process of demobilizing when in April 1917 Congress declared war on Germany. Most Texas and Oklahoma national guard units formed the Thirty-sixth Infantry Division, a process formalized that fall. Texans also composed most of the Ninetieth Division several thousand others were funneled into the Forty-second Division, the so-called "Rainbow Division," a unit that comprised men from twenty-six states. In all, the selective service registered nearly a million Texans for possible duty of these, 197,389 were drafted or volunteered. Engaging in the patriotic fervor that swept much of the United States, Texas became a major military training center during the First World War. More than $20 million was spent constructing camps Bowie (Fort Worth), Logan (Houston), Travis (San Antonio), and MacArthur (Waco) for new recruits. Forts Sam Houston (San Antonio) and Bliss (El Paso) also underwent major expansion. Likewise, military aviation found a warm reception in the state, where Fort Worth, San Antonio, Dallas, Houston, Waco, and Wichita Falls housed key flight and service training centers.

Most soldiers from Texas never went abroad. However, the Thirty-sixth Division, supplemented by wartime recruiting and the draft, left for Europe in midsummer 1918. Elements of the Thirty-sixth finally saw combat, as part of the Fourth French Army, at St. Étienne and during the Aisne offensive, for which the units earned substantial accolades from an adoring press. The Forty-second Division was one of the most acclaimed American units of the war, and the Ninetieth Division, composed largely of Oklahomans and the "Texas Brigade" (the 180th Infantry Brigade), also fought in the St. Mihiel and Meuse-Argonne operations. In all, more than 5,000 Texans died overseas.

Numerous bases, availability of land, public support for the military, and an increasingly influential congressional delegation made Texas an important military training center in World War II. The Third and Fourth armies, which oversaw basic and advanced training in several southern and western states, respectively, were headquartered at San Antonio. More than 200,000 airmen trained in Texas, which had more than fifty airfields and air stations, including naval air stations at Corpus Christi, Beeville, and Kingsville. Carswell Field, Fort Worth, was home to Air Force Training Command headquarters. Seventy camps in Texas held 50,000 prisoners of war. About 750,000 Texans (roughly 6 percent of the national total) saw military service during the war. Texas claimed 155 generals and twelve admirals, including the supreme Allied commander in Europe, Dwight D. Eisenhower, and Pacific Fleet admiral Chester W. Nimitz. Col. Oveta Culp Hobby directed the Women's Army Corps Walter Krueger commanded the United States Sixth Army. Among units that included large Texas contingents, the Thirty-sixth Infantry, including the famous "Lost Battalion," fought in Java and Italy in some of the war's bloodiest combat. The division suffered heavy casualties in an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Rapido River under enemy fire. This action, ordered by Fifth Army commander Mark Clark to support Allied landings at Anzio, led to an inconclusive congressional investigation in 1946. The First Cavalry, Second Infantry, and Ninetieth Infantry divisions saw extensive duty in the European Theater. In the Pacific campaigns were the 112th Cavalry and 103rd Infantry. In all, some 23,000 Texans lost their lives overseas. The war had a tremendous impact upon the Texas economy, in which federal and private investments brought massive industrial development. Aircraft production blossomed in Dallas-Fort Worth shipbuilding boomed in Orange, Port Arthur, Beaumont, Houston, and Galveston. Sprawling industries along the Gulf Coast also formed the world's largest petrochemical center. Munitions plants, steel mills, and tin smelters were built, and increased demand for food, timber, and oil offered new opportunities throughout the state. With labor at a premium, half a million rural Texans moved to the cities, and women and minorities took jobs once reserved for White males.

After the war the United States retained a much larger permanent military establishment in Texas. Between the active military, the organized and inactive reserves, the national guard, and the selective service, most male Texans of eligible age experienced the military or its bureaucracy in some direct manner. Thousands of Texans served in the Korean conflict, in which native Texan Walton H. Walker held command of all United Nations ground forces from July to December 1950. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the nation's involvement in Vietnam dominated military affairs. More than 500,000 Texans saw service. In addition, several Texas-based units were transferred to South Vietnam. Fort Hood contributed the United States II Field Force Vietnam, assigned to coordinate operations of the III and IV Corps, and the 198th Infantry Brigade, which joined the Americal (Twenty-third) Division. The Forty-fourth Medical Brigade was dispatched from Fort Sam Houston. More than 2,100 Texans died in Vietnam. Texans and Texas-based forces also remained a major source of the nation's military strength through the 1980s and early 1990s. During the 1980s, Texas was second only to California as home of record for both active-duty and retired military personnel. Sprawling military complexes at San Antonio, El Paso, and Fort Hood, as well as defense manufacturing plants in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, had become essential to national defense as well as the state's economy. During the Desert Shield-Desert Storm operations of 1990&ndash91, for example, the Third Armored Cavalry Regiment and Eleventh Air Defense Artillery Brigade were dispatched to the Persian Gulf from Fort Bliss, while Fort Hood contributed the First Cavalry Division, the First Brigade of the Second Armored Division, and the XIII Corps Support Command. Texas National Guard units, which included more than 20,000 members (many of them part-time) during the early 1990s, supplemented the regular forces and were often called out to assist victims of natural disasters. In 1991 the state militia maintained 138 armories in 117 Texas cities and spent about $250 million in state and federal money.

Post-Second World War trends thus continued to emphasize the historic relationship between the armed forces and the people of Texas. Indian tribes, Spain, Mexico, the Republic of Texas, the Confederacy, and the United States all resorted to warfare to resolve their perceived differences with other societies and governments. Their cultures, societies, economies, and demographic compositions were linked to things military. In sum, the influence of military affairs upon Texas history can hardly be overstated. Se også INDIAN AFFAIRS , ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

John Francis Bannon, The Spanish Borderlands Frontier, 1513&ndash1821 (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1970). Alwyn Barr, Texans in Revolt: The Battle for San Antonio, 1835 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990). Garna L. Christian, Black Soldiers in Jim Crow Texas, 1899&ndash1917 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995). Stephen L. Hardin, Texian Iliad: A Military History of the Texas Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994). Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540&ndash1795 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1975). Joseph Milton Nance, After San Jacinto: The Texas-Mexican Frontier, 1836&ndash1841 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1963). James W. Pohl, The Battle of San Jacinto (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1989). William L. Richter, The Army in Texas during Reconstruction, 1865&ndash1870 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987). David Paul Smith, Frontier Defense in Texas, 1861&ndash1865 (Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, 1987). Robert M. Utley, Frontier Regulars: The United States Army and the Indian, 1866&ndash1891 (New York: Macmillan, 1973). Robert L. Wagner, The Texas Army: A History of the 36th Division in the Italian Campaign (Austin, 1972). Richard P. Walker, "The Swastika and the Lone Star: Nazi Activity in Texas POW Camps," Military History of the Southwest 19 (Spring 1989). David J. Weber, New Spain's Far Northern Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979). Ralph A. and Robert Wooster, "`Rarin' For a Fight': Texans in the Confederate Army," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 84 (April 1981). Robert Wooster, "The Army and the Politics of Expansion: Texas and the Southwestern Borderlands, 1870&ndash1886," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 93 (October 1989). Robert Wooster, "Military Strategy in the Southwest, 1848&ndash1860," Military History of Texas and the Southwest 15 (1979). Robert Wooster, Soldiers, Sutlers and Settlers: Garrison Life of the Texas Frontier (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987).


Civil SocietyLone Star LifeTexas History Today in Texas History: Remembering the Alamo 184 Years Later

In the Lone Star State, the phrase “Remember the Alamo!” embodies heroism, courage, and refusal to surrender, even in the face of insurmountable odds.

The Battle of the Alamo was fought on March 6, 1836, between the Republic of Texas and Mexico.

After laying siege for thirteen days, more than 1,000 Mexican soldiers led by Mexican President and General Santa Anna stormed the roughly 4-acre adobe mission, killing nearly all of the 200 Texan soldiers inside.

The Texan soldiers, however, didn’t go down without a fight.

Led by Lieutenant Colonel William Travis, among other Texas heroes like James Bowie and folklore hero, Davy Crockett, the defenders refused to retreat.

Though they had received word of Santa Anna’s approach, the Texas soldiers, which included Texans from all walks of life, including doctors and farmers, made the decision to stay and fight despite being vastly outnumbered.

After only 90-minutes, the Alamo was taken and nearly all defenders, including William Travis, James Bowie, and Davy Crockett, were killed.

With the exception of some women, children, and servants, Santa Anna ordered the execution of all prisoners, even those who reportedly surrendered.

Although the battle culminated in the defeat and massacre of the Texan soldiers inside the fort, “Remember the Alamo!” became the rallying cry of Texans as they continued their fight against Santa Anna and his Mexican forces.

Specifically, “Remember the Alamo!” became the chant that galvanized the Texas militia led by commander Sam Houston at the Battle of San Jacinto, which ultimately led to victory, independence, and the end of the Texas Revolution on April 21.

History remembers the Battle of the Alamo as the turning point in the revolution leading up to Texas independence.

Today, the San Antonio landmark originally built in the 1700s as a home for Spanish missionaries sees more than 2.5 million visitors each year and remains an indelible part of the culture and lifeblood of Texas.

Disclosure: Unlike almost every other media outlet, The Texan is not beholden to any special interests, does not apply for any type of state or federal funding, and relies exclusively on its readers for financial support. If you&rsquod like to become one of the people we&rsquore financially accountable to, click here to subscribe.


The Battle of San Jacinto

Beliggenhed: La Porte
Dato: April 21, 1836
Casualties: Approximately 640 killed

The triumph of Santa Anna&rsquos army at the Battle of Coleto Creek and the deadly efficiency with which the Mexican dictator&rsquos wishes were carried out at Goliad led him to believe he really was the Napoleon of the West, a military genius on the cusp of quelling an annoying little rebellion. At the Battle of San Jacinto, he learned how wrong he was.

Santa Anna led seven hundred Mexican troops toward Harrisburg to capture officials from the Texas government. But when he arrived, he found that everyone had fled to Galveston, so he burned the town and headed toward Lynchburg. Santa Anna considered Houston a rival of no consequence. He was wrong about that too.

Houston, on the other hand, seemed destined to lead a rebellion. A man of intrigue and daring, he was intemperate, grave, and absorbed in his own vision of Manifest Destiny. He had resigned under a cloud of scandal as the governor of Tennessee lived for years with the Cherokee, who knew him as Big Drunk and come to Texas, like other rowdies and misfits, seeking redemption. But by San Jacinto, his troops were close to mutiny: Many of them thought Houston gutless, more interested in retreating than fighting.

&ldquoSan Jacinto was not so much a battle that Houston won but rather one that Santa Anna squandered,&rdquo explained Stephen L. Hardin, a professor at the Victoria College, who showed me around the battle site. A robust man with a silver beard, Hardin is the author of a history of the revolution titled Texian Iliad. He is firmly convinced that Houston is an overrated military leader, and he spent much of our afternoon together making his case.

We were sitting on a park bench on an elevated bank overlooking Buffalo Bayou, at the edge of what would have been the Texan camp on April 20, 1836. Just behind us were paved walkways, statues, and granite markers identifying sites where various units of Houston&rsquos army camped. One marked the spot where Santa Anna surrendered to a wounded Houston. Off to our right, rising out of the marsh like a black hulk from hell, was the battleship Texas, which is berthed near where Juan Seguín&rsquos men would have pitched their tents. Except for the misplaced battleship, the park seemed to be an attractive and friendly place to contemplate history, here among a thick grove of oaks that gave the Texan army an advantage over the Mexican cavalry. Hardin is a battlefield purist, however, and he was disgusted by the way the site had been turned into a patriotic shrine. &ldquoThis isn&rsquot a monument, though that&rsquos what everyone calls it,&rdquo he fumed. &ldquoIt&rsquos a damn battleground!&rdquo

Directing my attention to the bayou, Hardin reminded me that the waterway was much narrower in 1836. &ldquoI think Houston was trying to find a way not to fight this battle,&rdquo Hardin told me. &ldquoI think it crossed his mind that he had time to build a bridge for his retreat across the bayou. United States Army units were stationed on the Sabine, and if Santa Anna got too close, they would move into Texas to defend U.S. sovereignty.&rdquo

&ldquoWouldn&rsquot that have changed the whole dynamics of the revolution?&rdquo I suggested.

&ldquoYou&rsquove heard the expression &lsquoI&rsquom a Texan first and an American second&rsquo?&rdquo Hardin replied. &ldquoWell, that applies to me. Houston, on the other hand, was an American first. If U.S. troops had entered the battle, Texas would have joined the Union immediately, and we never would have been a republic. Those ten years as a republic explain the exceptionalism that is the core of the Texas character.&rdquo

Hardin believes that all great battles have a crossroads. Houston&rsquos army came to just such a point soon after marching away from Groce&rsquos plantation, on the Brazos River. The men were spoiling for a fight Houston had other plans. Meanwhile, Santa Anna and his troops were headed for the coast.

Photograph of the battlefield, with the towering San Jacinto Monument in the background. Photograph by Jeff Wilson

Houston&rsquos fateful crossroads was an intersection near the town of Hempstead. The north road led to Nacogdoches and safety, the south road to Harrisburg and the enemy. As they approached the intersection, men began shouting, &ldquoTo the right, boys! To the right!&rdquo The small band of musicians leading the column made the turn without waiting for Houston&rsquos orders.

&ldquoOld Sam knew that if he took the north road, he would travel alone,&rdquo Hardin told me. &ldquoThe army led him toward the enemy against his will.&rdquo

So that I could better appreciate what it was like to be part of the battle, he walked me along the swampy path the Texan army took as it advanced on the Mexican position. Crossing Battleground Road, we headed in the direction of the San Jacinto Monument (as Miss Bayless never tired of reminding us, at nearly 570 feet, it is the tallest masonry column in the world). It rises from the crest of a ridge that gave cover to the advancing rebel army. The grounds crew had mowed a wide strip along the route, but Hardin insisted that we thrash through the tall grass, as Houston had.

I also wanted to appreciate the battle from Santa Anna&rsquos point of view, so we headed toward the far side of the field. There were no walkways or statues at the Mexican camp, no gravestones marking the 630 soldiers who were killed.

The Mexicans never saw the Texans coming. Santa Anna had expected Houston to attack on the evening of April 20, so he kept his troops up all night building barricades and breastworks. He then prepared for an attack at dawn, but that didn&rsquot happen either. At about nine o&rsquoclock in the morning on April 21, Mexican reinforcements arrived, hungry and exhausted. As shadows began to fall across the field late in the afternoon, Santa Anna gave an order to stand down. The men collapsed on their blankets, and according to legend&mdashwhich Hardin disputes&mdashSanta Anna went off to his tent to entertain a mulatto beauty who later became known as the Yellow Rose of Texas.

&ldquoIt drives me crazy to hear people say that Houston held off his attack until the Mexicans took their siesta,&rdquo Hardin told me.

&ldquoYeah, I remember my Texas history teacher telling us, &lsquoIsn&rsquot that just like a Mexican?&rsquo &rdquo I replied.

The battle began at about four-thirty with a deadly shower from the Twin Sisters, a pair of cannons donated to the rebel cause by the people of Cincinnati. At the same time, Mirabeau Lamar&rsquos horsemen charged on the Mexicans&rsquo left flank, and a four-piece band broke into its version of &ldquoWill You Come to the Bower?&rdquo Houston, mounted on his great stallion, Saracen, led rebel infantrymen as they swarmed the camp, mowing down the Mexicans before they could reach their weapons. Santa Anna had made the mistake of positioning his troops with their backs to the marsh, so there was no retreat.

The battle lasted just eighteen minutes, though the killing went on for hours. With memories of the Alamo and Goliad still searing, the bloodthirsty rebels committed atrocities every bit as deplorable as the Mexicans had. Mexicans fleeing into the woods were hunted down and slaughtered. Some were scalped. Others ran into a shallow pond called Peggy Lake. Rebel soldiers pursued and stood at the water&rsquos edge, shooting them for sport.

Hardin and I stood on the banks of the water for a time, trying to reconcile the price of liberty with the horror of this kind of warfare. As my friend Stephen Harrigan once observed in this magazine, &ldquoThe Texas Revolution, for all its airs, was in its darkest aspects a mean little race war.&rdquo It didn&rsquot start that way. It started as a rebellion against Santa Anna&rsquos rule. But Harrigan was right: In time it became something else.


Texas History Today in Texas History: John Henry Moore Leads Texian Militia at Battle of Gonzales

John Henry Moore led the ragtag Texian militia at the nearly bloodless and rather anticlimactic Battle of Gonzales — of “ Come and Take It ” fame.

But his path to Gonzales was a strange one.

Growing up in Rome, TN, Moore was like many of the men who eventually played a role in the Texas Revolution: young, brash, and in a hurry.

In 1818, after becoming burned out by studying Latin at college, Moore absconded to Texas — only to be dragged by his ear back to Tennessee by his father.

But even a father’s austerity could not squash the allure of Texas as Moore later left Tennessee for the state in which he’d spend the rest of his life.

Moore was granted a league, 4,428 acres of land away from the river, and a labor, 177 acres of land adjacent to the river together with his partner Thomas Gray. The pair were part of Stephen F. Austin’s original 300 Texans.

The two farmed and ranched their parcel together along with Gray’s daughters and the four slaves between them.

In modern day La Grange, Moore built a twin blockhouse and dubbed it, fitting and pithily, “ Moore’s Fort .” He married Eliza Cummins and together they had seven children, one of whom died in infancy while another lived to see a new century.

His first military action pitted him against American Indian tribes, such as the Waco and Tawakoni tribes, in the years that would lead up to the Texas Revolution.

As tensions bubbled up between Texas and Mexico, and not one to hold his tongue, Moore unabashedly backed Texian independence. So outspoken was Moore that his arrest was ordered by Martín Perfecto de Cos, Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna’s enforcer sent to curb the Texian unrest.

In the burgeoning fall of 1835, Moore was dispatched to Gonzales as Mexican forces rushed to confiscate a cannon from the Texians — one of enduring renown.

Accounts vary of just who came up with the iconic “Come and Take It” banner — a simple cannon insignia sandwiched by a lone star and the words which bear its name. But one of the theories holds that it was Moore’s brainchild.

Regardless, the banner would not be Moore’s most significant contribution to the spark that lit the fuse of the Texas Revolution.

Rather than sit back and wait, Moore ordered the militia attack the Mexican Army at dawn, taking them by relative surprise. The attack, coupled with the cannon’s boom, caused Captain Francisco Castañeda to request a ceasefire, upon which he and Moore conferred.

The main divide in Mexico and its territories was between its government’s, led by Santa Anna, preference for centralization and those outside the capital city’s, like the Texians, preference for federalism.

Disdain for a far-off power’s controlling edicts is a frequent theme to revolutions. The Texan one, just as the American Revolution 60 years prior, exemplified this as much as any.

Castañeda informed Moore he was a federalist but had to follow orders. And so, Moore returned to his line and ordered the Texians to fire on the Mexican regulars. Further following orders, Castañeda did what he could to avoid open conflict, retreating after suffering two losses to his opposition’s zero.

This enraged Santa Anna, something he viewed as a personal affront, who then ordered the full-scale invasion of Texas — which directly fed his ordered brutality at the Alamo and Goliad .

Moore was elected a colonel of the Texian Army and served in the new nation’s council of war during the revolution. A field report by Moore shows one of his responsibilities: head counting.

Austin even tasked him with forming his own pistol and double-barrel shotgun-wielding cavalry unit.

Moore remained in military service after Texas secured its independence at the Battle of San Jacinto , defending, at the personal direction of then-President Sam Houston, San Antonio from Indian and Mexican attack.

An 1842 letter from Moore to Edward Burleson, congratulating him on being selected Brigadier General for his volunteer force, shows the worries Texans faced of a potential second invasion by the Mexican forces.

This conflict would culminate in the Mexican-American War only a few years later, after which Texas joined the United States of America.

Later in life, in 1861, Moore joined the now-fabled 8 th Cavalry, dubbed “Terry’s Texas Rangers” but was too aged to fight. Instead, he sold war bonds. During the Civil War, Moore lost much of his possessions — mostly due to the freeing of his slaves.

In 1880, Moore died and was buried in his family cemetery just north of La Grange, but his grave marker was incorrectly dated 1877.

Moore planted roots in Texas and played a direct part in the reshaping of the American continent. It’s a legacy enshrined in the iconic banner which beamed overhead his militiamen in Gonzales 185 years ago today.

And it’s a legacy bookended by the peculiarity life often produces. What began with a schoolboy’s scorn ended with a graveyard gaffe, yet the pages in between convey lightyears more about John Henry Moore.

Disclosure: Unlike almost every other media outlet, The Texan is not beholden to any special interests, does not apply for any type of state or federal funding, and relies exclusively on its readers for financial support. If you&rsquod like to become one of the people we&rsquore financially accountable to, click here to subscribe.


1836 The Battle of San Jacinto

During the Texan War for Independence, the Texas militia under Sam Houston launches a surprise attack against the forces of Mexican General Santa Anna along the San Jacinto River. The Mexicans were thoroughly routed, and hundreds were taken prisoner, including General Santa Anna himself.

After gaining independence from Spain in the 1820s, Mexico welcomed foreign settlers to sparsely populated Texas, and a large group of Americans led by Stephen F. Austin settled along the Brazos River. The Americans soon outnumbered the resident Mexicans, and by the 1830s attempts by the Mexican government to regulate these semi-autonomous American communities led to rebellion. In March 1836, in the midst of armed conflict with the Mexican government, Texas declared its independence from Mexico.

The Texas volunteers initially suffered defeat against the forces of Santa Anna–Sam Houston’s troops were forced into an eastward retreat, and the Alamo fell. However, in late April, Houston’s army surprised a Mexican force at San Jacinto, and Santa Anna was captured, bringing an end to Mexico’s effort to subdue Texas. In exchange for his freedom, Santa Anna recognized Texas’s independence although the treaty was later abrogated and tensions built up along the Texas-Mexico border.


1836-1844

Texans rebel against government of Mexico revolution ends at Battle of San Jacinto.

Sam Houston becomes first president of Republic of Texas.

Republic of Texas constructs Forts Little River, Houston, and Colorado to protect the northern and western frontiers of white settlement.

A large force of Indians, mostly Comanches, attack a private fort built by Silas and James Parker near the upper Navasota River. Silas and two women are killed, his daughter Cynthia Ann (9), son John (6), Mrs. Elizabeth Kellogg, Mrs. Rachel Plummer and her son James are carried away.

Mirabeau B. Lamar, second president of the Republic of Texas, convinces Texas Congress to move capital from Houston to Austin, near what is then the northwestern frontier of white settlement.

Lamar sends a large force to evict Cherokee and Kickapoo villagers from Texas. Cherokee Chief Bowl (Duwali) is killed in the ensuring battle near the upper Neches River. As a group of Cherokees tries to reach Mexico, a battle near the San Saba River ends the effort and the Cherokee War in Texas.

A force of rangers under John H. Moore, and Lipan allies under Chief Castro, attack a Comanche camp near the San Saba river, but loses its horses and is forced to retreat.

A battle near the present-day city of Temple between a ranger force under Capt. John Bird and a group of Indians results in the deaths of Bird and a Comanche chief.

A negotiation with Comanche chiefs in San Antonio results in the battle known as the "Council House Fight."

In retaliation for the deaths of most of their chiefs in San Antonio, hundreds of Comanches sweep through central Texas, attacking Victoria and Linnville, on the Gulf Coast.

Indians returning from the raid on Victoria and Linnville are intercepted by a force of rangers and militia at Plum Creek and suffer severe losses.

Moore leads a punitive expedition of rangers and Lipans against a Comanche camp on the upper Colorado River. An estimated 125 men, women, and children are killed and 500 horses captured.

A policy of offering land for colonization is adopted, ultimately resulting in The Peters Colony contract (north Texas), Castro Colony contract (west and south of San Antonio) and Fisher-Miller Grant (hill country).

A large militia force attacks a group of Indian villages on Village Creek near the upper Trinity River. The Indians, estimated at more than 1,000, subsequently abandon the area. Fort Bird is established nearby as the most northwesterly white outpost on the frontier. The subsequent town of Birdville serves as the Tarrant County seat from 1849 to 1856.

Sam Houston, elected to a second term as president, orders government moved temporarily from Austin to Houston to reduce vulnerability to Mexican army.

Mexican forces under Generals Rafael Vasquez and Adrian Woll retaliate for Texan expedition to Santa Fe by invading Texas and occupying San Antonio.

A series of negotiations, known as the Tehuacana Creek Councils, results in treaties of commerce with numerous Indian bands, including southern Comanches. The trade relationships help reduce frontier warfare for a short period.

John Coffee Hays' 14-man ranger company attacks a Comanche raiding party under Yellow Wolf near the Guadalupe River. Yellow Wolf, a number of other Indians, and one ranger are killed. The battle is fought on horseback and is believed to be the first such matching the rangers' Colt revolvers against Comanche lances.


Se videoen: Houstons Second Presidency-Texas History #27