Battlefield, hvor Richard Løvehjerte besejrede Saladin

Battlefield, hvor Richard Løvehjerte besejrede Saladin


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En israelsk arkæolog har identificeret den længe tabte slagmark Arsuf. Dette var en kamp, ​​der fandt sted under korstogene mellem de legendariske figurer af Richard Løvehjerte og Saladin. Slaget ved Arsuf (1191 e.Kr.) var et af de vigtigste, der fandt sted under korstogene, men dets nøjagtige placering var gået tabt i århundreder.

Dr. Rafael Lewis begyndte under sine post-doktorgradsstudier ved universitetet i Tel Aviv at arbejde med at identificere stedet for slaget ved Arsuf. Ifølge Jerusalem Post , "hukommelsen om dens nøjagtige placering var længe gået tabt." Kampen mellem muslimer og vesteuropæiske kristne blev længe antaget at have fundet sted på Sharons sletter, nær den travle moderne by Tel Aviv. Haaretz rapporterer, at det “var kendt for at have fundet sted nær den gamle bosættelse Apollonia, også kaldet Arsuf, hvis rester i dag ligger på den israelske kyst lige nord for Tel Aviv.” Ingen vidste imidlertid, hvor slaget fandt sted på trods af dets enorme historiske betydning.

Arkæologen undersøgte primære kilder og opdagede, at Richard Løvehjerte og hans hær kom ned langs kysten fra Arce. På billedet kan Saladins hære ses under belejringen af ​​Arce.

Udfordringer ved slagmarkens arkæologi

At lokalisere slagets sted var udfordrende. Dr. Lewis fortalte Jerusalem Post at "området på slagmarkens arkæologi fokuserer på begivenheder, der kun varer et par timer eller højst et par dage, hvis steder derfor er udfordrende at blive undersøgt arkæologisk." Arkæologen, der nu arbejder på Haifa University, besluttede at vedtage en innovativ tilgang til at identificere den længe tabte slagmark.

Først undersøgte han de primære kilder fra perioden, såsom middelalderlige kort. Han vidste, at Richard Løvehjerte og hans hær af vesteuropæiske riddere og soldater kom ned ad kysten fra Acre. Han studerede også det gamle netværk af veje, som er meget forskellige fra dem i dag.

Ved hjælp af miljøundersøgelser fandt Dr. Lewis, hvad han mener er slagmarkens sted, hvor muslimer og korsfarere stødte sammen. (Rafael (Rafi) Lewis)

Lewis fortalte Jerusalem Post at han anvendte miljøundersøgelser "som normalt ikke betragtes, men giver mange oplysninger." Han var i stand til at estimere luftfugtigheden og varmen i området i 12 th århundrede e.Kr. og timerne med sollys og måneskin. Han vidste fra dokumentariske kilder, at slaget fandt sted i september, og det var nyttigt. De forskellige datapunkter og kilderne fik ham til at tro, at slaget fandt sted mellem den moderne by Herzliyya og det moderne Arsuf.

Dr. Lewis undersøgte det foreslåede slagmarksted med en metaldetektor og vendte pilehoveder og andre metalgenstande op fra den rigtige æra. (Rafael (Rafi) Lewis)

Metaldetektor hjælper med at lokalisere slagmarken

Lewis mente, at der også var strategiske grunde til, at slaget fandt sted i dette område. Richard Løvehjerte havde ønsket at erobre Jerusalem og genvinde dets hellige steder. Af strategiske årsager tog han dog kursen mod havnen i Jaffa. Arkæologen fortalte Jerusalem Post at "Saladin ikke troede på, at Richard marcherede mod Jaffa, men at han og hans tropper på det tidspunkt ville vende ind i landet i retning af Jerusalem." Som følge heraf mener Lewis, at den muslimske og de kristne hære stødte på hinanden på det sted, han identificerede nær Arsuf. I den 13 th århundrede var slagmarken en egeskov.

Det var kun i de sidste faser af hans forskning, at Lewis foretog arkæologisk forskning. Han undersøgte det foreslåede slagmarksted med en metaldetektor. Tiderne rapporterer, at "den foreløbige scanning af webstedet hidtil har vist pilehoveder og andre metalgenstande af den rigtige dato." Disse artefakter ser ud til at underbygge Lewis teori om slagmarkens sted.

Blandt de fundne artefakter var et stykke af en "violin-key" hestesko, der blev brugt i Vesteuropa i korsfarertiden. Rafael (Rafi) Lewis

Afgørende slag ved det tredje korstog

Slaget ved Arsuf var den vigtigste militære konfrontation med det tredje korstog. Dette blev foranlediget af nederlaget for korsfarerriget Jerusalem ved Hattin af den store muslimske helt Saladin. Senere erobrede Saladins styrker Jerusalem, og korsfarerstaterne i Levanten var ved at kollapse. Det tredje korstog blev af paven opfordret til at generobre Jerusalem.

  • Richard Løvehjerte - Korsfarerkongen
  • Forståelse af korstogene fra et islamisk perspektiv
  • Sultan Saladins forvirrende død: Et medicinsk mysterium fra det 12. århundrede løst?

Richard I fra England, populært kendt som Løvehjerte, erobrede Acre fra muslimerne i 1191. Han havde desperat brug for en havn og tog sin vej sydpå til Jaffa. Da korsfarerne forlod en skov, blev de overfaldet af Saladin. Richard Løvehjerts hær modstod angrebene, og den militære orden i Knights Hospitaller modangreb muslimerne og overraskede dem. De stærkt pansrede kristne overvældede Saladins hær og påførte tusinder af ofre.

Slaget ved Arsuf er berømt som mødet mellem Richard Løvehjerte og Saladin.

Korsfarere undlod at erobre Jerusalem

Korsfarerne pressede dog ikke på at knuse Saladins hær, fordi de frygtede flere baghold. Lewis er citeret af Jerusalem Post som at "Richard vandt slaget, men det lykkedes ikke at ødelægge de muslimske styrker." De kristne formåede ikke at erobre Jerusalem, som var deres hovedmål. Mange mener, at slaget ved Arsuf sikrede en kristen tilstedeværelse i området i mere end et århundrede. Den jødiske befolkning i regionen deltog ikke i konflikten mellem kristne og muslimer.

Den potentielle identifikation af slagets sted kan være et gennembrud i vores forståelse af det tredje korstog. Der skal foretages mere forskning på området. Fremover kan den metode, der blev brugt i undersøgelsen, hjælpe forskere med at identificere andre tabte slagmarker.


Slaget ved Arsuf

Det Slaget ved Arsuf var en kamp under det tredje korstog, der fandt sted den 7. september 1191. Slaget var en kristen sejr, hvor styrker ledet af Richard I fra England besejrede en større Ayyubid -hær ledet af Saladin.

Slaget fandt sted lige uden for byen Arsuf (Arsur på latin), da Saladin mødte Richards hær, da den bevægede sig langs Middelhavskysten fra Acre til Jaffa efter erobringen af ​​Acre. Under deres march fra Acre iværksatte Saladin en række chikanerende angreb på Richards hær, men de kristne modstod med succes disse forsøg på at afbryde deres samhørighed. Da korsfarerne krydsede sletten nord for Arsuf, forpligtede Saladin hele sin hær til et slag. Endnu en gang opretholdt korsfarerhæren en defensiv formation, da den marcherede, hvor Richard ventede på det ideelle øjeblik for at anlægge et modangreb. Efter at Knights Hospitaller lancerede en anklager mod Ayyubiderne, blev Richard tvunget til at begå hele sin styrke for at støtte angrebet. Efter den første succes var Richard i stand til at omgruppere sin hær og opnå sejr.

Slaget resulterede i kristen kontrol over den centrale palæstinensiske kyst, herunder havnen i Jaffa.


At finde slagmarken

Andre historikere har forsøgt at lokalisere slagets placering, som de vidste skete nord for nutidens Tel Aviv. Men Lewis sagde, at han som den første fandt den nøjagtige placering af slaget den 7. september 1191.

Placeringen blev beskrevet i maj i Monografier af Sonia og Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology.

Lewis vidste, at slaget begyndte nær landsbyen Arsuf, "men vi vidste ikke præcis, hvor", så han begyndte "at gå tilbage i tiden" ved at gennemskue dokumenter som luftfotografering, historiske fotografier og skriftlige optegnelser, der blev opbevaret af mennesker, der passerede igennem Arsuf. Lewis undersøgte også landskabets form og arkæologiske beretninger, indtil han havde en god idé om, hvor slagmarken kunne være. Derefter tog han derhen personligt for at søge efter kampartefakter.

I en begrænset metaldetektorundersøgelse af stedet fandt Lewis en jernplade (muligvis fra en hjelm), beslag af jernhestele og en violinøgle hestesko søm, et værktøj, der blev brugt i England og Frankrig i løbet af det 12. og 13. århundrede, han sagde.

Lewis fandt også to pilespidser: en designet til at gennembore rustninger (i kampe fra 1100 -tallet bar mænd fire lag beskyttelsesbeklædning og rustning, bemærkede Lewis) og en anden, der var fladere, som en skive, og designet til at målrette heste, så dyrene blev såret og bakket op og kastet deres ryttere af sig.

Skriftlige kilder siger, at slaget ved Arsuf fandt sted nær en egeskov, og beskriver, hvordan korsfarerne stoppede ved kanten af ​​skoven efter anklagen. Den skov er der ikke længere (den blev fældet i begyndelsen af ​​det 20. århundrede), men efter at Lewis havde konsulteret historiske tekster, kort og luftfotografier, estimerede han skovkanten og udledte, hvor hærene havde kæmpet, i betragtning af at hver opladning dækkede cirka 250 meter i afstand.

Den nye forskning "giver os en rimelig god idé om, hvor slaget fandt sted," Adrian Boas, arkæolog ved Haifa Universitet, der har specialiseret sig i korstogene og ikke var involveret i undersøgelsen, fortalte Haaretz.

I en interessant historisk note, da Richard Løvehjerte døde i 1199, blev hans hjerte bevaret i en krystalkasse indeholdende kviksølv, mynte, røgelse og flere duftende planter, Live Science tidligere rapporteret. I mellemtiden døde Saladin i 1193, muligvis af tyfus, ifølge læger, der med tilbagevirkende kraft diagnosticerede ham baseret på historiske optegnelser, Live Science rapporteret i 2018.


Hvordan døde Richard Løvehjerte? Og hvor er han begravet?

Efter mange års kamp i Det Hellige Land ville krigerkongen Richard I miste sit liv tættere på hjemmet. Almindeligt kaldet 'løvehjerte', har Richard I været en varig figur inden for både fakta og fiktion. Søn af Henry II og Eleanor af Aquitaine, Richard blev født i England, men tilbragte størstedelen af ​​sit liv enten i at kæmpe i udlandet eller bo i hertugdømmet Aquitaine. I 1173 sluttede han sig sammen med sine brødre og mor i et oprør mod sin far, og i 1189 besejrede de en dødeligt syg Henry, få dage før hans død.

Knap nok til at blive på sin hest, kaldte Henry modvilligt Richard som sin arving. Inden for et år efter sin kroning havde Richard forladt det tredje korstog - beregnet til at generobre Jerusalem og resten af ​​det hellige land fra den muslimske sultan Saladin. Skatter blev hævet i hele England for at finansiere Richards eskapader. Mens nogle nu ser dette som Richards tilsidesættelse af at være en aktiv hersker, så hans folk ham på det tidspunkt som et ridderligt symbol på kristendommen.

Selvom Jerusalem ikke blev genvundet, opnåede Richard sikker passage for kristne pilgrimme, der besøgte byen. Han var nødt til at vende tilbage til England, da hans bror, John, planlagde imod ham ved at vække oprør og danne en alliance med Filip II af Frankrig.

På sin rejse hjem blev Richard fængslet af den hellige romerske kejser Henry VI. Bemærkelsesværdigt blev den enorme løsesum på 150.000 mark-omtrent tre gange den indkomst, som den engelske krone-hævet, og Richard blev løsladt i 1194. Han vendte tilbage til England, men besøget var kortvarigt, og inden for måneder kæmpede han for at beskytte sit lander i Normandiet mod Philip. Han ville aldrig vende tilbage til England og fortsatte med at kæmpe til og fra i Frankrig i fem år.

I slutningen af ​​marts 1199 belejrede han slottet ved Châlus-Chabrol og blev skudt i skulderen med en armbrøst. Såret blev gangren, og han døde den 6. april 1199. Legenden fortæller, at bolten blev affyret af en ung dreng, der søgte hævn for sin far og brødre, og som efterfølgende blev benådet af Richard.

Kongen blev begravet i Fontevraud Abbey i Anjou, hvor hans far - og senere hans mor - blev begravet, mens hans hjerte blev holdt i Rouen -katedralen for at mindes hans kærlighed til Normandiet. I løbet af hans tiårige regeringstid menes han ikke at have tilbragt mere end seks måneder i England og sandsynligvis ikke kunne tale engelsk. Det triumferende udseende, han får i mange Robin Hood -film, er usandsynligt, at der er sket i virkeligheden - hvis der virkelig var en hætte med hætte.


Slaget ved Jaffa: Lionheart ’s største sejr

I sommeren 1192 var det tredje korstog gået i stå. Efter en række tidlige succeser havde kong Richard I af England, populært kendt som "løvehjerte", to gange ført den kristne hær til inden for syne af Jerusalem for kun at blive vendt tilbage af dårligt vejr, strategiske bekymringer og uenighed blandt korsfarerne. Den franske kontingent - der længe var ærgerlig over Richards ledelse - nægtede åbent at følge ham længere, og selv hans egne mænd var utilfredse med, hvordan deres konge havde undladt sit hellige løfte om at tage byen. Værre endnu, foruroligende rapporter fra England advarede Richard om sin bror Johns planer om at indtage tronen for sig selv. Da hans autoritet aftog på alle fronter, virkede korstoget på nippet til at kollapse.

I den muslimske lejr Saladin, der var grundlægger af sultanen for Ayyubid -dynastiet, så man begivenheder udfolde sig med en blanding af lettelse og forfærdelse. Selvom hans hær stadig holdt i Jerusalem, kontrollerede korsfarerne et skår af det hellige lands kystlinje, der strakte sig fra Acre i nord til Ascalon i syd. Sidstnævnte fodfæste var især bekymrende, da det udgjorde et udgangspunkt for korsfarernes operationer mod Egypten, sultanens magtbase. Efter at have taget initiativet formulerede Saladin en dristig plan om at dele korsfarernes territorium i to, afbryde deres kommunikationslinjer og besejre korsfarerne i detaljer. For at opnå dette ville han slå til, hvor Richard mindst forventede det - på Jaffa.

Byen Jaffa, der er berømt for sin bibelske tilknytning til Salomo, Jonas og apostelen Peter, lå kun 40 miles nordvest for Jerusalem ad den århundredgamle romerske vej og fungerede som den hellige bys primære indgangshavn. Fordi Saladin klogt havde ødelagt byens forsvar i 1187, blev Richard tvunget til at bruge betydelig tid, kræfter og forsyninger til at genopbygge det, da han ankom med sin hær i 1191. Ved den følgende sommer blev murene og tårnene stadig kun delvis genopbygget og efterlod korsfarerne at stole på deres stærkeste befæstning, et stort citadel med udsigt over havnen. Også dens garnison var stort set blevet negligeret og omfattede kun 5.000 syge og sårede mænd, Richard havde efterladt under sit andet tilbagetog nordpå fra Jerusalem. Om morgenen den 26. juli 1192 vågnede de forladte soldater for at finde Saladins hær placeret under deres mure.

Midt i trompeternes brag og stød af gongs, cymbaler og trommer kastede sultanen sin hær ind i angrebet. Hans styrke var så stor, at den omsluttede landsiden mod byen med begge flanker, der nåede kystlinjen. Fokus for angrebet var den østvendte Jerusalem-port. Mens sappere gravede under murene, muslimers arsenal af belejringsvåben pælede brystværnene med en ustoppelig strøm af dødelige stenprojektiler, der var friskskåret fra de omkringliggende kløfter. Saladin vidste, at det var bydende nødvendigt at tage byen hurtigt, før Richard kunne foretage en nødhjælpsindsats.

På trods af de overvældende odds og raseri over angribernes angreb, lykkedes det forsvarerne at holde fast i en tid. Garnisonen var oprindeligt under kommando af den franske baron Alberi fra Reims, der tidligt forsøgte at flygte fra byen for kun at blive trukket tilbage og kastet i jern af sine egne modbydelige tropper. De resterende mænd i garnisonen havde mere disciplin end deres feje kommandør og organiserede et livligt forsvar. Kristne sappere gravede modminer for at kollapse de muslimske tunneler, og i de områder, hvor angriberne allerede havde brudt væggene, tændte forsvarerne enorme bål og rejste et uigennemtrængeligt flammeforhæng. Hånd-til-hånd-kamp var hård, og angriberne kunne ikke lade være med beundrende modvilligt at se på de ihærdige mod hos forsvarerne, som de havde troet var et rabalder af invalider. I sin beretning om slaget minder Saladins biograf Baha¯ 'ad-Di ¯n Ibn Shadda ¨ d om at se et isoleret par korsfarere frastøde en kraft af muslimer, der skubber et bestemt hul i væggen. Da en velrettet belejringssten sendte en af ​​mændene, trådte hans kammerat uden tøven ind i bruddet og blev ved med at kæmpe.

På trods af forsvarernes beslutsomhed viste Saladins tal sig for store til at indeholde. Den 30. juli havde hans tropper brudt muren flere steder, og Jerusalem -porten lå i ruiner. Da kampene spildte ind i Jaffas smalle gader, barrikaderede et sidste standpunkt af bestemte forsvarere sig i citadellet og forberedte sig på martyrium. Heldigvis for de overlevende viste den nyvalgte patriark i Jerusalem sig en dygtigere diplomat end sin sørgelige forgænger. Han indledte straks en række bevidst langvarige forhandlinger med Saladin om de kristnes liv i Jaffa. Sultanen var i sidste ende enig i, at enhver kristen mand, kvinde og barn kunne forlade byen uskadt, forudsat at de betalte en beskeden løsesum. For at sikre god tro tilbød patriarken en gruppe vigtige gidsler, som han sørgede for inkluderede den vanære Alberi i Reims. Forsvarerne i citadellet forblev imidlertid trodsige og håbede mod alt håb om lettelse.

Richard var i Acre og overvåget forberedelserne til et angreb på Beirut, da beskeden den 28. juli nåede ham, at Jaffa var under angreb. "Gud lever endnu," udbrød Løvehjerte, "og med hans vejledning vil jeg gøre, hvad jeg kan!" Saladins overfald havde efter hensigten taget Richard helt på vagt. Korsfarerkongen havde allerede sendt syv galejer nordpå lastet med mænd, forsyninger og belejringsudstyr, og franskmændene - travlt med at prøveudtagning af Acres berømte værtshuse og lysthuse - forblev lige så uforsonlige som nogensinde. Ufortrødent brækkede Richard en flåde på 35 galejer, hvori han proppede en broget styrke bestående af sine bedste tropper, et kontingent af genoese- og pisansejlere og medlemmer af Templar- og Hospitalsordenen. Mens flåden, ledet af sit eget rødskrogede flagskib Trenchmere, sejlede syd for at aflaste byen, sendte han resten af ​​sin hær på en parallel kurs ad land. Først syntes hans dristige virksomhed at være dødsdømt, da de modsatte vinde i det østlige Middelhav tvang flåden til at rejse i et frustrerende langsomt tempo, og styrken over land faldt ned over for et meget større muslimsk kontingent, der omfattede medlemmer af den dødbringende Assassin -kult fra bjergene i det sydlige Syrien. Først sent på aftenen den 31. juli ankom kongens flagskib ud for Jaffa.

1. august markerede den katolske liturgiske fest for St. Peter in Chains minde om apostelens befrielse fra fængsel af en engel. For de udmattede forsvarere gemte sig i Jaffas citadel den morgen, det må have virket som om Gud havde hørt deres egne bønner om udfrielse. Saladin forhandlede i sit telt med patriarken i Jerusalem, da en af ​​hans betjente strøg ind og diskret hviskede i hans øre, at Richards flåde var ankommet. I vantro steg sultanen straks på sin hest og red ned til kystlinjen, hvor han selv så den kristne flåde, herunder det truende røde skrog og skarlagenrøde sejl af Trenchmere. Selvom han var chokeret over Richards pludselige fremtræden, anerkendte Saladin sin flåde på 35 skibe som en beskeden styrke, og han beordrede sine mænd til stranden i påvente af korsfarernes landing.

Stående offshore overvejede Richard og hans chefer deres næste handlingsforløb. Horden af ​​muslimske tropper langs stranden, råbte krigsopråb og viftede med deres våben i trass, syntes at bekræfte korsfarerkongens frygt for, at Jaffa var fast i Saladins hænder. Lige derefter opdagede nødhjælpskraften en ensom figur, der faldt fra citadelletårnet til stranden, hvor han mirakuløst uskadeligt løb ind i brændingen og begyndte at svømme ud til skibene. Da den blev udmattet ombord på Richards flagskib, meddelte den udmattede mand, en præst, mellem gisp korsfarerne stadig holdt citadellet. Det var alt, Richard havde brug for at høre. "Gud sendte os her for at dø, hvis det var nødvendigt!" råbte han, mens hans mænd forberedte sig på at gå i land. “Skam alle, der holder tilbage nu!”

I traditionen med sine normanniske forfædre ventede Richard ikke på, at hans båd slog til land, før han sprang i taljehøjt vand med et sværd i den ene hånd og en armbrøst i den anden. Baha¯ ’ad-Di ¯n skrev, at synet af de frygtede Melech Ric (Kong Richard), der vadede gennem brændingen og vældede af raseri, hans lange røde hår blæste vildt i vinden, var nok til at sende mange af Saladins tropper på flugt i frygt. Viser lidt bekymring for pilene, der fløjter overhead, kastede Richard sig mod fjenden, skiftevis hackede han med sit tunge blad og affyrede hans armbrøst. Bag ham strømmede hans mænd i land for at etablere et strandhoved. Ved hjælp af planker, tønder og hvad de ellers kunne fjerne fra bådene, rejste de en rå barrikade, bag hvilken bueskytter tog stilling til at dække kongens angreb.

Uden at spilde tid forfulgte Richard Saladins tilbagetrækende mænd ind i Jaffa og hævede sit banner fra taget på templernes hus for at advare forsvarerne i citadellet om hans ankomst. I det øjeblik de belejrede mænd opdagede den engelske konges særprægede trio af stablede guldløver på en rød mark, åbnede de citadelportene og brød ud på gaderne for at høste brutal hævn over deres tidligere angribere. Så pludseligt var Richards overfald, at det fangede størstedelen af ​​Saladins tropper, hvoraf de fleste stadig var fokuseret på plyndringer, helt uforberedte. Fanget mellem de konvergerende korsfarerkræfter faldt mange ganske enkelt deres bytte og flygtede fra byen så hurtigt som de kunne, og overlod deres hårdt vundne præmie til Richard Løvehjerte.

Uden for Jaffa blev Saladin ødelagt for at lære om den muslimske rutine og gjorde ingen anstrengelser for at skjule sin foragt for sine troppers skammelige mangel på disciplin. "Hvordan kan dette være?" spurgte han sine kløende kommandører. ”Med hvilken overlegen disposition har de været i stand til at opnå dette? I infanteri og kavaleri er vores hær langt overlegen! ” Selvom han forsøgte at samle sine tilbagetrækende mænd, blev sultanen ved dagens slut tvunget til at indrømme nederlag og trække sin hær tilbage cirka 4 miles øst til landsbyen Yazur. Da Richards mænd gik i gang med at reparere Jaffas forsvar så godt de kunne, sendte sultanen udsendinge for at starte endnu en kedelig forhandlingsrunde.

Af alle korstogene skiller det tredje sig ud for forholdet, der udviklede sig mellem Richard og Saladin. Kampagnen var faktisk meget mere end bare et trossammenstød - det var en personlig duel mellem to titaner i middelalderen. Da de modsatrettede hære planlagde deres næste træk, deltog de store befalingsmænd, igen låst i en militær dødvande, i stedet i et besynderligt forstandskamp. “Din sultan er mægtig,” bemærkede Richard spottende til en af ​​udsendingerne, der løb frem og tilbage mellem de to lejre. “Hvorfor tog han af ved min første optræden? Af Gud var jeg ikke engang klar til at kæmpe! Jeg havde stadig mine havstøvler på. ” Ikke én, der mistede roen over små fornærmelser, mindede Saladin roligt Richard om, at hvert år, der gik i det hellige land, blev korsfarerne svagere, mens han på sin hjemmebane kunne kalde utallige forstærkninger. I sandhed var begge sider udmattede, og hver søgte desperat et afgørende sidste engagement for at afslutte kampagnen.

Med typisk bekymring for sit eget velbefindende, og måske som en yderligere jibe hos sin rival, lejrede Richard sin hær øst for Jaffa på det sted, Saladins telt havde besat bare dage tidligere. Krydstogtstyrken over land var stadig ikke ankommet, og Lionheart efterlod kun 2.000 mænd i alt, herunder kun omkring 80 riddere og endnu færre heste og muldyr. Saladin og hans befalingsmænd erkendte sårbarheden ved denne sølle styrke, og i de foregående timer den 5. august iværksatte de et overraskelsesangreb på korsfarerlejren. Heldigvis for Richard, da Saladins spejdere sneg sig mod de sovende korsfarere, opdagede en genoese vagter silhuetterne af deres hjelme mod nattehimlen og skyndte alarm. Kongen sprang ud af sit telt, trak sin kædepost -hauberk hen over sin natskjorte, hoppede barbenet på hans hest og fik sine mænd til at møde de 7.000 fjendtlige ryttere, der løb ud af mørket.

Endnu engang havde Saladin fået Richard til at ligge, og endnu en gang ville kongen demonstrere sin taktiske glans og udslip mod. Dårligt i undertal indsatte han sin lille hær i en omhyggelig pindsvineformation, hvor hans infanterister knælede skulder ved skulder bag deres skjolde, deres spyd forankrede fast i jorden med punkter, der strittede udad. Bag dem placerede han sine armbrøstmænd, som han grupperede i skytte-og-læsserpar for at sikre et kontinuerligt brus af dødbringende bolte. Bag armbrøstmændene og infanteriet ventede Richard og hans monterede riddere klar til at lade op med et øjebliks varsel. “Der er ingen chance for flyvning!” råbte han til sine forvirrede mænd. “Hold da stædigt ud, for det er menneskers pligt at sejre modigt eller dø herligt! Selvom martyriet truer, burde vi modtage det med et taknemmeligt sind. Men før vi dør, mens livet er tilbage, lad os tage hævn og takke Gud for at have givet os den martyrdød, vi har længtes efter. ”

Da hans tropper stålsatte sig, ankom en budbringer med besked om, at nogle af Saladins mænd havde tvunget sig ind i Jaffa, og at alt var tabt. Efter at have truet den rystede mand med halshugning, skulle han gentage beskeden til nogen, tog Richard ud til byen med en gruppe riddere og armbrøstmænd for at vurdere situationen. Som kongen havde antaget, havde budbringeren kraftigt overdrevet fjendens infiltration, og ridderne ryddet hurtigt gaderne. Richard red derefter ned til stranden for at samle så mange kvælere, som han kunne finde, før han vendte tilbage for at modtage det første angreb.

Saladins ryttere fandt, selvom de var "hurtige som svaler" på deres smidige arabiske heste, den strittende mur af korsfarerstål frustrerende svært at trænge igennem. Og mens korsfarernes infanteri-mænds spyd holdt Saladins kavaleri i skak, skabte de kristne krydsbøjemænds hurtige, præcise brand kaos på muslimernes letpansrede mounts. Da den første bølge galopperede tilbage til deres linjer, lo Richard højt. "Der - hvad fortalte jeg dig?" spottede han til sine mænd. ”Nu har de gjort deres yderste. Vi behøver kun at stå fast mod ethvert nyt forsøg, indtil sejren er vores ved Guds hjælp. ” Fem gange anklagede Saladins ryttere korsfarerne for kun at blive frastødt ved hvert forsøg. Til sidst, da han følte fjenden begynde at trætte og miste ånden, skiltes Richards forreste rækker, og han og hans riddere sprang frem i en hidsig ladning.

Hårdheden i denne lille styrkes pludselige angreb overraskede Saladins tropper, og de begyndte at spole. „Kongen var en kæmpe i kampen og var overalt på marken - nu her, nu der, hvor tyrkernes angreb rasede det hotteste,“ skrev en kristen kroniker. På et tidspunkt førte Richard sine riddere i en rasende ladning lige gennem Saladins højre flanke og ind i bagvagten. To gange satte han sit liv på spil, først for at dække en uhørt jarl af Leicester og derefter for at redde en ridder ved navn Ralph de Mauléon, hvis løvestandard fjenden havde forvekslet med kongens. Når han så på afstand, var Saladin så imponeret over sin rivales dygtighed, at da Richard selv var uden hest, sendte sultanen i en uforlignelig gestus af slagmarkens ridderlighed ham to fine arabiske hingste.

Richard accepterede nådigt Saladins generøse gave og kastede sig derefter endnu en gang ind i kampen. Ved middagstid sprøjtede både han og en af ​​hingstene i blod, og det virkede som om, at der var lagt en hel pile i hans rustning og skjold. Efterhånden som kampen gik, turde færre og færre af Saladins mænd udfordre det tilsyneladende uovervindelige Melech Ric. For en emir viste udsigten til at fælde den engelske konge imidlertid for fristende, og han ansporede sin kamphest fremad. Med et mægtigt sværdsværd skårede Richard den tåbelige mand i to og fjernede ikke kun hovedet, men også højre skulder og arm. Ved dette forfærdelige syn begyndte Saladins tropper at trække sig tilbage, selvom Richard red op og ned ad deres linjer og tøvede enhver mand til at se ham i øjnene. Da Saladins søn tegnede på at besvare udfordringen, beordrede hans far pludselig ham til at blive siddende og tydeligvis ikke ønskede at tilføje en død arving til dagens problemer. Da ingen andre trådte frem, hævder nogle kilder, at Richard efterlyste mad og set for fjenden i fuld udsigt satte sig for at spise. Da han så, at hans mænd ikke ville rokke, trak en fortvivlet Saladin sig igen til Yazur.

Den episke ugelange kamp for Jaffa viste sig passende at være det sidste slag ved det tredje korstog, da begge sider nu var fuldstændig udmattede. Saladins hær havde mistet 700 mand og 1.500 heste. Moralen i den muslimske lejr styrtede så dybt, at Saladin selv i tre dage nægtede at forlade sit telt. Mens Richard kun havde mistet 200 mand, blev han og hans hær ramt af sygdom. På et tidspunkt skrev den engelske konge sin feber syg med feber og bad om frisk frugt, og den ridderlige sultan forpligtede sig generøst. Den 2. september 1192, uden nogen anden løsning, accepterede ærkerivalerne endelig Jaffatraktaten, en treårig våbenhvile, der efterlod en stor del af kystlinjen i korsfarers hænder, men Jerusalem fast i Saladins. En måned senere forlod Richard Løvehjerte Det Hellige Land for aldrig at vende tilbage.

Alex Zakrzewski er en Toronto-baseret forfatter, redaktør og hyppig bidragyder til en række internationale publikationer. For yderligere læsning anbefaler han Richard I's liv og tider, af John Gillingham Korstogene gennem arabiske øjne, af Amin Maalouf og Guds krigere: Richard Løvehjerte og Saladin i det tredje korstog, af James Reston Jr.

Oprindeligt udgivet i marts 2015 -udgaven af Militærhistorie. For at abonnere, klik her.


Rolle [rediger | rediger kilde]

Skæbne/mærkelig falsk [rediger | rediger kilde]

Dag 0 [rediger | rediger kilde]

Sabre-klassen findes ikke i det falske Holy Graal War-ritual. Men med Faldeus-bearbejdning for at vende den falske krig til den sande hellige gral-krig ændrede han med succes ritualets forløb og indkaldelsen af ​​Sabre-klassen signalerer den sande vej for den hellige gralkrig. Oprindeligt havde Cashura til hensigt at indkalde kong Arthur med sin katalysator. Inden han kunne fuldføre indkaldelsen, blev han myrdet af Assassin. Med den ufuldstændige indkaldelse blev operascenen indhyllet med lys, og flere figurer dukker op. Alle undtagen Sabre forsvandt, da lyset svinder. Sabre erkender, at Assassin er en af ​​bjergets gamle mænd. Han engagerer hende i kamp, ​​og han kommenterer, at det er første gang, han har set en mere smidig end Loxley. Eventually Saber uses Excalibur, which destroyed parts of the opera house. He ask Ayaka Sajyou whether she is his master, and to his surprise Ayaka rejected the formal contract. Β] Saber disappears feeling dejected. When the police arrive, they noticed the corpse of Cashura and the ruined opera house. Saber reappears again and confesses he did it, even going so far as to prove that he did it by using a weaker version of Excalibur on a falling piece of rubble that would have hit the policemen. Saber was eventually handcuffed by the police. Before he was taken away to the police headquarters, he was broadcast on local television and he says he will make amends for the opera house destruction.

Day 1 [ edit | rediger kilde]

Ayaka and Saber are taken to police headquarters. The police attempt to interrogate him, but he shocks them by demonstrating that handcuffs and walls cannot hold him by turning into spiritual form. He says he did not resist arrest because he did not wish to endanger Ayaka and he respects the policemen who were only doing their jobs. He declares that once morning comes, he will leave with Ayaka. Assassin breaks into police headquarters to target Saber. However, she was intercepted by Orlando Reeve's Clan Calatin force. Ayaka and Saber make use of this commotion to escape. After escaping they'd be lead to an underground punk hang out where Richard demonstrated his proficiency with an electric guitar despite never using such an instrument prior, playing a tune which drew everyone's attention. After receiving a change of clothes and a brief back and forth of questions from Ayaka, he revealed his True Name. Shortly after exiting the hang out Saber searches for an ally and heads into the woods where he comes across Lancer and proposes the alliance. Lancer decides to test his strength through a duel which Richard did not dissapoint, as well as demonstrate using Excalibur with a mere stick. After the duel, he explains that while escaping the police station he saw what he described as a blood sucking monster and wishes to return the grail war to its proper form after dealing with such a threat. Soon approached Assassin who overheard the conversation, knowing Sabers identity as well as the story of his team up with Saladin and a Hassan during life to stop a dead apostle. He then allies with Lancer and Assassin to stop the mentioned menace. Γ]

Saber, along with Assassin and Ayaka went to confront Sigma, a mage they believed was one of the Masters in the war. What they were not aware of, was that Sigma had not summoned a proper Servant, instead having summoned Watcher. Sigma escapes from Assassin, almost getting away, until noticing Ayaka and, believing that she was a bystander, stops to tell her to run. Seeing his kindness, Saber, and Ayaka decide to ally with Sigma. Sigma tells them that he has summoned the Lancer, Charlie Chaplin, who doesn't want to show himself. Δ ]

Day 2 [ edit | rediger kilde]

Later Ayaka has a dream about Saber's meeting with Saint Germain, though she doesn't tell about it to Saber. Α] Sigma, who is also in contact with Faldeus Dioland, informs them that a number of soldiers have surrounded the house. Saber, though wary, isn't that concerned about them. Sigma later also tells them about the battle between True Archer and his Master against True Berserker and his Master. Saber is enthusiastic about this, wanting to slay True Berserker, who is described as a monster. Faldeus, however, tells him that his real employer will probably handle the situation, as she does. Ε ]

After telling Ayaka to take shelter in the church, Saber, Assassin, and Sigma later arrive to the battle between multiple forces at the hospital, where Tsubaki Kuruoka, the young comatose Master of False Rider is residing. True Archer, False Archer, Clan Calatin and False Caster are also present. Ζ ]

False Archer becomes offended by Saber's presence and fires a volley of swords from Gate of Babylon at him, but he effortlessly bats them away with his own sword. Saber is amazed by the many high quality swords and asks False Archer if he can borrow a few. Even more offended, False Archer fires more swords, but Saber either bats them away or dodges them. Saber then offers to purchase a few swords, which makes False Archer even angrier. Saber then gets close and almost manages to strike False Archer, who blocks it. False Archer notices him seemingly using Magecraft to increase his agility, but he claims it came from one of his followers.

False Archer notices Saber dodging his swords like he had prior experience and expresses curiosity on how he has it. Saber explains that he sparred with False Lancer earlier, who fights in a similar way, and they became allies. In response, False Archer unleashes more swords and says Saber must pass his trial to see if he is worthy of being his best friend's ally. After hearing "trial", Saber asks if he is a Ruler, but False Archer points out a Ruler is an impartial judge while he is not. Saber then points out False Rider is on the loose infecting people with disease and asks if they can become allies to stop it. False Archer refuses and says he can deal with False Rider on his own. He fires a huge barrage of swords, so Saber dodges and parries them, then fires a blast from his Excalibur to knock several away. Saber boasts that False Archer outclasses him in many ways, but he's more than a match when it comes to speed.

Continuing to dodge swords, Saber manages to get close to False Archer and slash at him, but he jumps back in time. Saber fires a blast from Excalibur, but False Archer blocks it with several shields. False Archer mocks Saber because his Excalibur is just a replica of the real deal. To False Archer's fury, Saber steals one of the swords that he had fired and uses it to fire an Excalibur blast. False Archer blocks the blast with his shields again, but due to the higher quality sword, the blast is more powerful, so the impact knocks him into the air to his fury. Saber then blasts him again and again, sending him higher and higher into the sky.

False Archer is engulfed in the blast's light, but summons several weapons, links them together with the golden chain Enkidu, and disperses the blast. He then unleashes a rain of weapons on the church where Ayaka is taking shelter. Saber blocks the weapons with his body and is impaled in several places. He crashes through the roof, but manages to stop the church from being destroyed. False Archer enters the church, ignoring the shocked Ayaka, and commends him for being able to stop his attack on the church and survive. The injured Saber scolds him for attacking a church, but he says he doesn't care about any institution for the gods. He says Saber trying to fight without any true desires was foolish, then says he will deliver his verdict and asks if Saber has any final words. Saber points out Ayaka has not done anything to him and asks that he spare her. False Archer says he will only grant her consideration, and if he judges her worthless, he will blow her away with the other rabble. He is about to declare his judgment on Saber, but is interrupted mid-sentence when True Archer attacks him.

While the Archers fight, Saber complains about how he is missing a great battle. Ayaka says they need to get out of there and get him medical attention, and that the church must have some bandages. Saber chuckles that she must really not be a magus if she's trying to heal a Servant with bandages. She says this is not the time for jokes and tries to lift him onto her shoulder, but he complains that being helped by someone he had sworn to protect is a disgrace as both a knight and a king. She says swearing to protect a nobody like her already bemirched his honor, so he says making her disparage herself is a disgrace as a Heroic Spirit. He stands up under his own power and says after getting them into this situation, he won't complain if she says he is not fit to be a Servant. Suddenly, a wave of blackness washes over the street. When it passes, Saber and all the other combatants have vanished, to the shock of those observing.

Day 3 [ edit | rediger kilde]

Saber pulls a lot of magical energy out of Ayaka, making her fall asleep, to summon one of his companions to heal his injuries. He then watches over her for half a day until she wakes up. He explains why she fell asleep and apologizes, but she yells at him for making her go to the church and trying to shield her from False Archer's attacks with his body, telling him he needs to take care of himself too. She then notices the church is intact and asks if he repaired it, but he points out if he was able to do that, he would have done it to the opera house. She then tells him she had a dream of his childhood where he was talented at everything and saw his mother, embarrassing him. He says he was childish when he said he could do anything and makes her laugh by confessing that although he knew French, Italian, and Persian, he was ironically bad at English despite being the King of England. He then declares that he's a new man and will protect her and defeat False Archer next time.

A bunch of police officers enter the church. Ayaka worries that they are here to arrest them for escaping police custody earlier, but one of them who introduces herself as Vera Levitt says they ask for an alliance. They explain that the city seems empty except for some people whose minds seem to have been seized by something, and trying to leave the city just warps them back into it. Vera and Saber talk and agree they must be in some sort of isolated space, possibly a Reality Marble. Ayaka does not understand what they are saying, but Vera concludes that to escape, they must eliminate whoever is causing it.

Fate/Grand Order [ edit | rediger kilde]

Sixth Singularity: Camelot [ edit | rediger kilde]

Richard was mentioned in the "Camelot" Singularity. Romani Archaman thought Richard was the Lion King, though this proved to be wrong. Romani commanded Ritsuka Fujimaru and Mash Kyrielight to ally with Richard and his Crusaders. It is presumed that he perished along with his Crusaders, when the Lion King's knights destroyed them. ΐ ]

Before the arrival of Chaldea, a Servant calling himself Richard I, yet who was far different in both appearance and personality, led the False Crusaders, who fought with the Knights of the Lion King. The False Richard was ultimately defeated by a sacrifice of Gareth, who held him down while Gawain dealt the finishing blow.


Israeli Archaeologist Identifies Battlefield Where Crusaders Defeated Saladin

An Israeli archaeologist believes he has pinpointed the site of the Battle of Arsuf, where the Christian forces of the Third Crusade, led by Richard the Lionheart, defeated the Muslim army of Saladin in the 12th century and solidified their foothold in the Holy Land. For a time.

This battle was known to have taken place near the ancient settlement of Apollonia, aka Arsuf, whose remains today lie on the Israeli coast just north of Tel Aviv. But there was debate among experts as to where exactly in the region the fighting took place and why the opposing generals decided to join battle precisely in this area.

Now archaeologist Rafael Lewis has combined evidence from medieval sources with a meticulous reconstruction of the local landscape and environmental conditions at the time, and has zeroed in on an open field just northeast of the ruins of Arsuf.

A brief archaeological survey has backed up the archaeologist’s identification of the battlefield by revealing artifacts from the Crusader period, including arrowheads and pieces of armor. The study, published earlier this month, also gives us clues as to why the English king and the Ayyubid sultan chose this specific spot for their showdown, says Lewis, a lecturer at Ashkelon Academic College and a researcher at the University of Haifa.

Saved by the forest

Control over the Holy Land has changed time and again over its blood-soaked history. After centuries under the Romans and the Christian Byzantine empire, the Levant was conquered by the Muslim caliphs in the first half of the 7th century. Christian control over parts of the region was reestablished for a time starting at the end of the 11th century, after Pope Urban II launched the First Crusade to recapture Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulcher.

Apollonia was a Byzantine coastal town, whose name was changed to Arsuf during the early Islamic period upon wresting the region from Muslim forces, the Crusaders built an imposing seaside castle at the site. Just like much of the Levant, this spot would see heavy fighting in the following centuries as Crusaders and Muslims continued to clash over Jerusalem and the Holy Land.

The area around Arsuf was the site of a major battle during the Third Crusade, which was launched by European powers – mainly England, France and the Holy Roman Empire – to reconquer the Holy Land after Saladin had crushed the Christian forces at the Battle of Hattin in 1187 and captured Jerusalem.

After landing at Acre and taking this strategic northern port in July 1191, the Crusaders marched south to conquer the ancient town of Jaffa, today part of Tel Aviv, and reestablish their control over the entire Levantine coast.

Led by Richard, the Europeans marched along the coast, shadowed by their fleet, which provided supplies. Wary of the lessons of Hattin, where Saladin had defeated the Christians by cutting them off from water sources and fragmenting their army, Richard marched slowly, keeping his forces in a tight battle formation and planning frequent stops to rest from the summer heat and the almost constant harassment by Muslim troops.

Then, on September 7, 1191, Saladin launched a major attack on the Crusader rearguard, according to Muslim and Christian chroniclers.

Despite Richard’s orders to keep formation and lure more enemy soldiers into the fight, some of his knights broke ranks and launched a premature charge on the enemy. Once committed, the English king ordered two more assaults on the Muslims, ultimately routing Saladin’s forces. The Ayyubid troops fled through a forest which is said to have been just east of the battlefield, and the Crusaders halted their charges at the edge of the tree line, fearing they were being lured into an ambush.

That decision may have saved Saladin’s army from total defeat and may have had far-reaching consequences for the outcome of the Third Crusade.

Historical resurrection

The exact location of the battlefield in what is today known as the Sharon plain has been difficult to pin down, largely because the ancient forest and other landscape features have long disappeared under modern roads, towns and fields, Lewis says.

The archaeologist used medieval texts, maps from 19th-century surveys and early aerial photographs of the area to reconstruct how the landscape would have looked, where the major ancient roads in the area passed and where the forest began. He also looked at logistical and environmental factors: how far inland could Richard feasibly march without losing the ability to signal and rendezvous with his fleet? Where would Saladin likely position his troops so that the morning winds would blow toward the Crusaders, giving his archers greater range, while the sun rising in the east would blind his opponents?

All this pointed to a narrow strip of land in the trough between two ridges that run parallel to Israel’s northern coast, just a few hundred meters from the sea. It was through here that the Crusaders must have passed and where Saladin would have pounced, the archaeologist suspected.

A survey of the area with a metal detector turned up several artifacts that could be connected to the battle: an arrowhead used against horses and one with an armor-piercing tip an iron plate, which may be a fragment of a medieval great helm and a horseshoe nail of a type usually found in France and England during that period, Lewis reports.

The survey was conducted in 2014, but the findings were only published now as part of a broader monograph on archaeological digs in and around Apollonia-Arsuf, edited by Tel Aviv University Professor Oren Tal.

“We did find only a handful of artifacts and this is related to the extremely bad preservation of the battlefield,” he says. “I was very surprised we found anything at all due to the modern development in the area.”

The medieval battlefield is sandwiched between Israel’s coastal highway and the grounds of a former munitions factory, which were used as a testing area. There are also several modern villages and a park nearby, all of which are likely responsible for the relative scarcity of finds.

The identification of the battlefield does however offer us some insight into what was going on in the minds of the opposing leaders ahead of the battle of Arsuf.

“Once we know where the battle occurred we can try and understand strategically why it happened in this place rather than at other locations,” Lewis tells Haaretz.

For Richard it was crucial to destroy the Muslim army before he ventured east toward Jerusalem away from the coast and into the highlands, where his supply lines would be stretched and his forces even more vulnerable to ambushes.

But why would Saladin risk his entire army in an open engagement with the European invaders, instead of just continuing to harass them with hit-and-run attacks as he had done so far?

It turns out, based on Lewis’ findings, that the battle took place just next to a key ancient junction where north-south roads met with routes leading east. Geographically, this would have been the first opportunity for Richard to turn toward Jerusalem, and Saladin may have not known, or believed, that the Crusaders were really heading toward Jaffa. So it is possible that the sultan may have given the order to attack to prevent the Crusaders from taking the crossroads or at least pressure them to continue marching down south, Lewis speculates.

The eternal battlefield

Despite suffering a loss at Arsuf, which ruined his reputation for invincibility, Saladin’s strategy would prove winning in the long run.

Richard took Jaffa, but sustained Muslim harassment, and disagreements among the fractious European leadership meant that the Third Crusade was never able to mount an attack on Jerusalem.

In 1192, Richard and Saladin concluded a peace treaty, which left the holy city in Muslim hands, while allowing Christian pilgrims to visit. The Crusader states would remain in control of the Levantine coast for about a century or so, but their ultimate prize, Jerusalem, would elude them forever more.

The idea that the battle was an attempt by Saladin to preempt a move inland by his enemy makes sense, says Adrian Boas, a professor of Crusader-period archaeology at Haifa University.

Boas, who was not involved in the study, said that Lewis’ method of collecting evidence from every possible source before even digging at the site is groundbreaking and rarely used in battlefield archaeology in Israel. “The study gives us a fairly sound idea of where the battle took place and it’s probably as close we are ever going to get,” he tells Haaretz.

Interestingly enough, the military importance of the sandy fields around Arsuf doesn’t end with the Crusades.

In addition to the few Crusader-period artifacts, Lewis’s metal detector survey also uncovered a large amount of bullets and shell fragments dated to World War I. These were likely linked to the fighting that occurred around Arsuf at the end of the war between Allied and Ottoman forces, the archaeologist says. The Battle of Sharon, which was fought between September 19-25, 1918, was part of the broader final offensive under British general Edmund Allenby, leading Allied forces to break through at the Battle of Megiddo and capture Damascus and the entire northern Levant.

The fact that the offensive involved Arsuf, and the same spot where Saladin and Richard had fought 700 years earlier, shows that the site had maintained its strategic importance for any army wishing to control the Holy Land, whether coming from the north like the Crusaders or the south as Allenby did, Lewis notes.

“The same motivation of Saladin and Richard drove the British and Turks later on,” Boas concurs. “History doesn’t exactly repeat itself, but events can be influenced by the same factors over and over again.”

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Battle of Arsūf

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Battle of Arsūf, Arsūf also spelled Arsouf, famous victory won by the English king Richard I (Richard the Lion-Heart) during the Third Crusade.

Richard, having taken Acre in July 1191, was marching to Joppa (Jaffa), but the Muslim army under Saladin slowed down the Crusaders’ progress when they advanced from Caesarea, which they had left on September 1. On September 7, after the Crusaders left the forest of Arsūf, the Muslim attacks became more intensive and were concentrated against the Hospitallers, who constituted Richard’s rear guard. Richard tolerated those attacks in the hope of drawing out the main body of the Muslim army. The Hospitallers, having lost many of their mounts to Muslim cavalry, broke ranks and counterattacked. Richard reinforced that effort with a general charge that overwhelmed Saladin’s army and inflicted heavy losses on the forces attacking to the rear. Seven hundred Crusaders and several thousand Muslims were killed.

The victory at Arsūf enabled the Crusaders to occupy Joppa but was not a crushing blow to the Muslims. Saladin was able to regroup his forces, which the Crusaders had not pursued for fear of ambushes. From September 9 the Muslims renewed their harassing tactics, and Richard did not dare to push on to Jerusalem.

Denne artikel blev senest revideret og opdateret af Michael Ray, Editor.


Why is Bardsey Island a Place of Pilgrimage?

Much of the island’s history begins in 516 when Saint Cadfan built a monastery on the island. The area served as a major center of pilgrimage in medieval times, and as a refuge for persecuted Christians. During these times, making three pilgrimages to Bardsey was considered the equivalent of making a single pilgrimage to Rome.

However, navigating the island was quite treacherous due to unpredictable currents in the Bardsey Sound. It was therefore customary for pilgrims to invoke the protection of the Virgin Mary before making the dangerous crossing to the island.


Battlefield Where Richard the Lionheart Defeated Saladin Located - History

jeg n the year 1187, the Muslim leader Saladin re-conquered the city of Jerusalem [see "The Crusaders Capture Jerusalem"] as well as most of the Crusader strongholds throughout the Holy Land. In response, the kings of Europe including Frederick Babarossa of Germany (who died on route), Phillip of France and Richard I of England (the Lionheart) mounted a campaign to rescue the city. The Third Crusade was underway.

Key to the campaign's success was the capture of the port city of Acre. King Richard arrived on the scene in June 1191 to find the city under siege by a Christian army. In the distance, Saladin threatened - his army too weak to overwhelm the besiegers, but too strong to be dislodged.


Richard's progress through the Holy Land
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Intensifying the bombardment of the city, Richard and the French King, Phillip, slowly broke the city's walls, weakening its defenses while simultaneously starving the occupiers into submission. Finally, on July 12, the Muslim defenders and Crusaders agreed to surrender terms. In exchange for sparing the lives of the defenders, Saladin would pay a ransom of 200,000 gold pieces, release some 1500 Christian prisoners and return the Holy Cross. These actions were to be accomplished within one month after the fall of the city. Richard would hold 2,700 Muslim prisoners as hostage until the terms were met.

Saladin immediately ran into problems meeting his part of the bargain and the deadline came without payment of the terms. As a compromise, Saladin proposed that Richard release his prisoners in return for part of the ransom with the remainder to be paid at a later date. Saladin would provide hostages to Richard to assure payment. Alternatively, he proposed to give Richard what money he had and allow Richard to keep the prisoners in return for Christian hostages to be held until the remainder of the money was raised and the Muslim prisoners released. Richard countered that he would accept the partial payment but Saladin must accept his royal promise to release his prisoners when he received the remainder of the ransom. Neither ruler would accept his opponent's terms. Richard declared the lives of the Muslim defenders of Acre forfeit and set August 20 as the date for their execution.

Beha-ed-Din was a member of Saladin's court and (along with much of the Saracen army who watched from a distance) witnessed the massacre of 2,700 of his comrades:

"Then the king of England, seeing all the delays interposed by the Sultan to the execution of the treaty, acted perfidiously as regards his Musulinan prisoners. On their yielding the town he had engaged to grant their life, adding that if the Sultan carried out the bargain he would give them freedom and suffer them to carry off their children and wives if the Sultan did not fulfill his engagements they were to be made slaves. Now the king broke his promises to them and made open display of what he had till now kept hidden in his heart, by carrying out what he had intended to do after he had received the money and the Frank prisoners. It is thus that people of his nation ultimately admitted.

In the afternoon of Tuesday, 27 Rajab, [August 20] about four o'clock, he came out on horseback with all the Frankish army, knights, footmen, Turcoples, and advanced to the pits at the foot of the hill of Al 'Ayadiyeh, to which place be had already sent on his tents. The Franks, on reaching the middle of the plain that stretches between this hill and that of Keisan, close to which place the sultan's advanced guard had drawn back, ordered all the Musulman


Richard watches the massacre
From a 15th century illustration
prisoners, whose martyrdom God had decreed for this day, to be brought before him. They numbered more than three thousand and were all bound with ropes. The Franks then flung themselves upon them all at once and massacred them with sword and lance in cold blood. Our advanced guard had already told the Sultan of the enemy's movements and he sent it some reinforcements, but only after the massacre. The Musulmans, seeing what was being done to the prisoners, rushed against the Franks and in the combat, which lasted till nightfall, several were slain and wounded on either side. On the morrow morning our people gathered at the spot and found the Musulmans stretched out upon the ground as martyrs for the faith. They even recognised some of the dead, and the sight was a great affliction to them. The enemy had only spared the prisoners of note and such as were strong enough to work.

The motives of this massacre are differently told according to some, the captives were slain by way of reprisal for the death of those Christians whom the Musulmans had slain. Others again say that the king of England, on deciding to attempt the conquest of Ascalon, thought it unwise to leave so many prisoners in the town after his departure. God alone knows what the real reason was. & quot


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